Gender, Religion and Caste: Class 10 Civics Chapter 3 Hinglish mein

Socho ki tumhari class mein is motion par debate ho raha hai: Gender, religion aur caste ko politics se bahar rakhna chahiye. Ek team kehti hai ki yeh topics sirf logon ko baantte hain, isliye politics inhe ignore kare to behtar hai. Doosri team kehti hai ki chup rehne se purane anyay bina kisi ki nazar mein aaye chalte rehte hain. Is chapter ke end tak tum tay kar paoge ki kis team ka case zyada mazboot hai, aur har team kahan sahi hai.

Pichhle chapters ne dikhaya ki democracy ko groups ke beech differences ke liye jagah banani padti hai. Koi difference apne aap mein khatra nahi hai. Mushkil tab shuru hoti hai jab woh ek pakki division ban jaata hai, jismein kuch groups ko doosron se upar rakha jaata hai. Yeh chapter India ke aise teen differences ko uthata hai: gender, religion aur caste. Har ek ke liye hum do sawaal poochhte hain. Hamare society mein yeh division kaisa roop leta hai? Aur jab yeh politics mein aata hai, to kya yeh hamari democracy ko mazboot banata hai ya kamzor?

3.1 Gender aur politics

Har society logon ko men aur women mein baantti hai aur phir har group ko uske apne roles, rights aur expectations de deti hai. Yeh gender division (लैंगिक विभाजन) har country mein milta hai, phir bhi lambe samay tak politics ki padhai ne is par kam dhyaan diya. Bahut se log ise bas nature ka banaya hua maan lete hain. Aisa nahi hai. Koi ladki chapati belna jaante hue paida nahi hoti, aur koi ladka scooter theek karna jaante hue paida nahi hota. Aise roles seekhe jaate hain: families ki expectations se, aur films, advertisements aur roz ki baaton mein dohraaye gaye stereotypes se. Jo seekha gaya hai, use bhulaaya bhi ja sakta hai.

3.1.1 Public aur private ka division

Bachpan se hi bahut si ladkiyan sunti hain ki ghar chalana aur bachche paalna hi unka asli kaam hai, jabki ladkon ko bataya jaata hai ki unhe kamaana hai. Zyadatar Indian families mein isse ek sexual division of labour banta hai. Sabzi kaatna, jhaadu lagana, kapde dhona, aur babies aur dada-dadi ki dekhbhaal women ki duty maani jaati hai, chahe woh yeh kaam khud karein ya kisi paid helper se karwayein. Rozi-roti kamaana aadmi ka kaam maana jaata hai.

Ab dekho ki jab yahi kaam paise lekar kiye jaate hain to unhe kaun karta hai. Shaadi mein bade-bade bartan chalaane wale halwai aur caterers zyadatar men hote hain, aur tumhari school uniform silne wala darzi bhi aksar aadmi hi hota hai. To baat ability ki nahi hai: ghar ka kaam 'women's work' tabhi banta hai jab woh bina paise ke ghar par kiya jaaye. Aur women ka kaam sirf ghar tak seemit bhi nahi hai. Dhaan ki ropai karti farm worker, weekly haat mein sabzi bechne wali, night duty par nurse ya software engineer ke baare mein socho. Har koi ghar lautkar khaana banane aur safai ki second shift kar sakti hai. Phir bhi is double load ko shayad hi kabhi gina ya saraha jaata hai.

Ghar mein rakhi gayi women ko public life se bhi bahar rakha gaya, aur unhe andar aane ke liye ladna pada. 1890s tak kisi bhi country ne women ko national elections mein vote nahi karne diya, aur zyadatar jagahon par woh election mein khadi bhi nahi ho sakti thi. Women's suffrage, yaani vote ke right, ke liye campaigners ne marches aur hunger strikes kiye, aur bahut se jail gaye (Women ko vote kab mila). Jaldi hi unki maangein badhkar equal legal rights aur padhne aur professions mein jaane ke mauke tak pahunch gayi. Zyada radical feminist movements ne shaadi aur family ke andar bhi barabari maangi: kaun faisle karta hai, property kiske naam hai aur ghar ke kaam kaun karta hai.

Jab women ki barabari ek political demand ban gayi, to laws aur soch badalne lagi. Jo careers pehle women ke liye band the, woh khul gaye: aaj Indian women fighter jets udaati hain, Supreme Court mein case ladti hain aur research laboratories lead karti hain. Nordic countries, jaise Sweden, Norway aur Finland, sabse aage gaye hain: wahan parliaments mein lagbhag aadhi seats aur bahut se top government posts women ke paas hain.

Women abhi bhi kahan peeche hain

Independence ke baad India ne tarakki ki hai, lekin hamari society abhi bhi zyadatar male-dominated hai jo patriarchy (पितृसत्ता) se bani hai. Women ko jo nuksaan jhelne padte hain woh schooling, kaam, pay, survival aur safety ke data mein dikhte hain:

• Education. Census 2011 mein paaya gaya ki 65.5 per cent women padh-likh sakti thi, jabki men mein yeh 82.1 per cent tha. Tumhari textbook lagbhag 54 aur 76 per cent ke purane figures deti hai. Ladkiyan aksar board exams mein top karti hain, isliye ability problem nahi hai. Phir bhi jab paisa kam hota hai, to bahut si families pehle betiyon ko school ya college se nikaal leti hain aur beton ki fees bharti rehti hain.
• Jobs aur unpaid work. Bahut kam women sabse zyada paise aur izzat wali jobs tak pahunchti hain. Women lambe ghante aisa kaam bhi karti hain jisse kuch kamaai nahi hoti, jaisa Fig. 3.1 dikhata hai, isliye unki zyadatar mehnat dikhti hi nahi.
• Pay. Equal Remuneration Act, 1976 ne barabar kaam ke liye barabar pay zaroori kiya; November 2025 se yahi rule Code on Wages, 2019 ka hissa hai. Phir bhi official wage data baar-baar dikhata hai ki same tarah ke kaam ke liye, fasal kaatne se lekar factory jobs tak, women ko men se kam paise milte hain.
• Survival. Jahan beton ko zyada chaaha jaata hai, wahan kuch families foetus ka sex test karwa ke ladkiyon ka abortion karwa deti hain, jabki 1994 ka ek law, jise ab PCPNDT Act kehte hain, aise tests par rok lagata hai. India ka child sex ratio 1991 mein 1,000 ladkon par 945 ladkiyon se girkar 2001 mein 927 aur 2011 mein 919 ho gaya. Kuch States mein yeh 850 se bhi neeche tha.
• Safety. Harassment ka darr seemit kar deta hai ki bahut si women andhera hone ke baad kahan padh, kaam ya safar kar sakti hain, aur kuch ke liye khatra ghar ke andar hi hai. Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 legal upaay deta hai, lekin bahut se cases report hi nahi hote.

Humein kaise pata chalta hai ki women kitna unpaid work karti hain? 2019 mein National Statistical Office (NSO) ne India ka pehla all-India Time Use Survey kiya. Isne 6 saal aur usse zyada umar ke logon se poochha ki pichhle 24 ghanton mein unhone har ghanta kaise bitaaya. Fig. 3.1 woh gap dikhata hai jo isne paaya. Zyadatar women roz lagbhag paanch ghante khaana banane, safai aur family ki dekhbhaal mein lagaati hain. Is kaam ki koi wage nahi milti, isliye yeh income figures mein kabhi nahi dikhta, jabki men ka zyada kaam paid hota hai aur isliye dikhta hai. Tumhari textbook 1998–99 ke ek purane survey ki baat karti hai, jo chhah States mein hua tha. Usmein bhi yahi pattern mila: women roz zyada ghante kaam karti thi, lekin unka zyadatar kaam unpaid tha.

3.1.2 Women ka political representation

Government kaun si problems pehle uthayegi, yeh kaun tay karta hai? Zyadatar woh log jo legislatures aur cabinets mein baithe hain. Agar unmein se lagbhag sab men hain, to unequal pay ya women ke liye safe transport jaise issues list mein neeche khisak sakte hain. Isiliye women's movements kehte hain ki women ko khud power mein hona chahiye, aur iska sabse saaf naap yeh hai ki hum kitni women ko chunte hain.

Yahan India ko abhi lamba raasta tay karna hai. 2019 ke Lok Sabha election ne 543 members wale House mein 78 women bheji, yaani 14.4 per cent, jo tab tak ka sabse zyada share tha. 2024 mein yeh number ghatkar 74 ho gaya, yaani 13.6 per cent (Fig. 3.2). State assemblies mein share aur bhi kam hai: PRS Legislative Research ke mutabik 2023 ke aas-paas average lagbhag 9 per cent. Tumhari textbook purane data se 2019 ke liye 14.36 per cent aur assemblies ke liye 5 per cent se kam batati hai. Duniya bhar mein, Inter-Parliamentary Union ki ginti ke hisaab se, 1 January 2026 ko national parliaments mein lagbhag 27.5 per cent seats women ke paas thi. Yaani Lok Sabha ka share world average ka lagbhag aadha hai. Councils of ministers mein bhi men ka dabdaba hai; women ki leadership wali governments mein bhi aam taur par kam hi women ministers rahi hain.

Kya law badlaav la sakta hai? India ne pehle gaon aur shehron mein yeh koshish ki. 73rd aur 74th Amendments (1992) ne panchayats aur municipalities mein kam se kam ek-tihaai seats women ke liye reserve ki, saath hi panchayat heads ki ek-tihaai posts bhi. Tab se ikkis States aur do Union Territories ne panchayats mein yeh share badhakar aadha kar diya hai. Nateeja kamaal ka hai. Ministry of Panchayati Raj ke mutabik 2025 mein lagbhag 14.5 lakh women kaam kar rahi thi, jo lagbhag 31 lakh chune gaye panchayat members ka lagbhag 46 per cent hai. Tumhari textbook purane data se rural aur urban local bodies mein 10 lakh se zyada women ginti hai.

Lagbhag teen dashakon tak women's groups ne campaign kiya ki quota ko Lok Sabha aur State assemblies tak badhaya jaaye. September 2023 mein Parliament ne Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (Women's Reservation Act) pass kiya, jiska formal naam Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023 hai. Yeh Lok Sabha, har State Legislative Assembly aur Delhi Assembly ki ek-tihaai seats women ke liye reserve karta hai. Scheduled Castes aur Scheduled Tribes ke liye pehle se reserved seats ke andar bhi ek-tihaai un groups ki women ko milengi. Yeh Rajya Sabha ya State Legislative Councils par laagu nahi hota.

Reserved seats tabhi shuru hongi jab Act ke baad pehla Census hoga, aur uske aadhaar par constituencies ki fresh delimitation hogi. Reservation 15 saal tak chalega, aur Parliament is samay ko badha sakti hai; har agli delimitation ke baad women ke liye reserved seats rotate hongi, jaisa Parliament law banakar tay karegi. 2026 tak is Act ke under koi election nahi hua tha, isliye news follow karo aur dekho ki yeh kab aur kaise laagu hota hai.

To jo debating team gender ko politics se bahar rakhna chahti thi, uske saamne ek problem hai. Women ke votes, equal-pay laws aur reserved seats, sab isliye aaye kyunki women ke saath unequal bartaav ko ek public, political sawaal banaya gaya. Yahan ek social division ko politics mein laane se ek pichhde group ki madad hui. Agar yeh issue band darwazon ke peeche hi rehta, to kya inmein se koi bhi faayda mil paata?

3.2 Religion, communalism aur politics

Religion bilkul alag tarah ka division hai. Bahut se Indian shehron mein tum ek hi sadak par mandir, masjid, church aur gurdwara dekh sakte ho. Aaj zyadatar countries mein kai dharm maanne wale log rehte hain, bhale hi religion har society ko us tarah nahi baantta jaise gender baantta hai. Jhagde alag dharmon ke beech hi hon, yeh bhi zaroori nahi: Northern Ireland mein Catholic aur Protestant Christians dashakon tak conflict mein uljhe rahe.11Northern Ireland United Kingdom ka hissa hai. 1960s ke aakhir se 1998 ke Good Friday Agreement tak, wahan zyadatar Protestant unionists aur zyadatar Catholic nationalists ke beech conflict mein 3,500 se zyada jaanein gayi. Religion politics mein bhi gender se kahin zyada khulkar aata hai.

Religion aur politics ka har rishta problem nahi hai. Teen examples dekho:

• Mahatma Gandhi maante the ki politics ko religion se kabhi alag nahi karna chahiye. Unke liye 'religion' ka matlab tha woh moral code jo har dharm mein share hota hai, jaise sach aur non-violence, kisi ek dharm ki rasmein nahi. Woh chahte the ki yahi code public life ko raasta dikhaye.
• Human rights organisations chahte hain ki government khaas dhyaan rakhe ki communal riots na bhadkein aur religious minorities surakshit rahein.
• Women's groups batate hain ki sabhi religious communities ke family laws kisi na kisi tarah women ke saath na-insaafi karte hain, aur chahte hain ki government unhe zyada fair banaye.

Inmein se koi bhi teen baat chinta ki nahi hai, bhale hi har ek religion ko public life mein laati hai. Democracy kisi bhi dharm ke moral ideas ka swagat kar sakti hai, believers ko shared zarooraton ke liye organise hone de sakti hai, aur state ko kisi aisi practice ko sudhaarne bhi de sakti hai jo logon ko nuksaan pahunchati hai. Line tabhi paar hoti hai jab ek religion ko baaki sab par tarjeeh di jaaye. Fig. 3.3 ise ek hi test sawaal mein badal deta hai.

3.2.1 Communalism

To politics mein religion kab nuksaandeh banta hai? Tab, jab kisi nation ko ek hi dharm se define kiya jaaye, jisse doosre dharmon ke citizens baahari ban jaayein. Tab bhi, jab politics 'hamara dharm unke dharm ke khilaaf' ka muqaabla ban jaaye. Teen warning signs par nazar rakho. Ek religion ke vishwas baaki sab se superior bataaye jaate hain. Ek group ki maangein doosre group ke khilaaf rakhi jaati hain. Government ki power ka istemaal ek dharm ko baaki sab se upar rakhne ke liye hota hai. Politics mein religion ka aisa istemaal communal politics (सांप्रदायिकता) hai.

Isiliye communal idea jad se hi galat hai. Hum mein se har kisi ki ek saath kai identities hoti hain: ek religion, lekin saath mein ek language, ek region, ek occupation, ek gender aur ek economic class bhi. Kaun si sabse zyada maayne rakhti hai, yeh saamne ke sawaal par depend karta hai. Maan lo kisi dharm ke sab maanne walon ko aise sawaalon par ek banner ke peeche khada kar diya jaaye jinka dharm se koi lena-dena nahi, jaise jobs ya keematein. Isse community ke har us insaan ki aawaaz dab jaati hai jo alag sochta hai. Democracy mein un sab ki baat suni jaani chahiye.

Communalism politics mein kai roop mein dikhta hai, shaant se lekar jaanleva tak (Fig. 3.4):

1. Roz ke beliefs. 'Us dharm ke log sab aise hi hote hain' jaisi casual baatein, ya andar hi andar yeh ehsaas ki apna religion sabse achha hai, roz ka communalism hai. Kyunki aise ideas har jagah hain, hum mein se bahut log bina jaane inhe apne andar liye ghoomte hain.
2. Dominance ki chaah. Prejudice badhkar ek political goal ban sakta hai: apni community ke liye baaki sab par power. Agar group majority hai, to woh majoritarian rule chahta hai; agar minority hai, to shayad alag hokar ek separate political unit banana chahe.
3. Religious lines par mobilisation. Leaders ek dharm ke maanne walon ko ek hi political khemey mein haankne ki koshish karte hain. Unke tools hain pavitra symbols, religious figures ka saath, bhavnayein bhadkaana aur darr. Elections mein yeh ek religion ke voters ke liye khaas appeals ke roop mein dikhta hai, baaki sab ki keemat par.
4. Communal violence. Apne sabse bure roop mein communalism riots aur katl-e-aam tak le jaata hai.

3.2.2 Secular state

Partition ko jhelne ke baad Constituent Assembly ke members jaante the ki communal politics kitni khatarnaak ho sakti hai. Unhone India ko ek secular state (धर्मनिरपेक्ष राज्य) banane ka faisla kiya aur yeh faisla kai provisions mein likha jo tumne Class 9 mein padhe the (Fig. 3.5):

• Koi official religion nahi. Indian state kisi dharm ko na apnaata hai na tarjeeh deta hai. Table 3.2 ke countries se compare karo.
• Freedom of religion (Article 25). Har insaan koi bhi religion maan sakta hai, uska paalan aur prachaar kar sakta hai, ya koi bhi religion na maane.
• Koi discrimination nahi (Article 15). State kisi citizen ke saath religion, ya caste, sex, race ya janm sthaan ke aadhaar par discrimination nahi kar sakta.
• Equality ke liye intervention (Articles 17 aur 25). Communities ke andar barabari pakki karne ke liye state religious maamlon mein dakhal de sakta hai. Untouchability khatam kar di gayi hai, aur public character wale Hindu mandir har caste ke liye khole ja sakte hain.

Do aur provisions tasveer poori karte hain. Kisi ko kisi khaas religion ko badhaava dene ke liye tax dene par majboor nahi kiya ja sakta (Article 27), aur 1976 mein Preamble mein secular word joda gaya.

To India mein secularism kisi ek party ki raay nahi hai jo agle election ke saath badal jaaye. Yeh Republic ki neev mein bana hua hai, isiliye communalism kisi ek group ke liye nahi balki India ke barabar citizens wale desh hone ke idea ke liye hi khatra hai. Sirf laws ise hara nahi sakte. Secular Constitution citizens ko tools deta hai. Asli kaam roz ki zindagi mein hota hai, jab log nafrat bhari afwaah forward karne ya kisi stereotype par hasne se mana karte hain, aur politics mein, jab voters religious division ki appeals se munh mod lete hain.

3.2.3 India ki social aur religious diversity

Humein India ki religious banawat kaise pata chalti hai? Census of India, jo aam taur par har das saal mein hota hai, har ghar tak jaata hai. Enumerators har insaan ka religion usi ke shabdon mein likhte hain, aur 'no religion' jaisa jawab bhi waise hi likha jaata hai. Isliye hamare paas bharosemand figures hain ki har community kitni badi hai aur uska share kaise badla hai (Fig. 3.6).

1951 aur 2011 ke beech India ki population teen guna se zyada ho gayi, aur har community badhi. Phir bhi har community ka share sirf kuch percentage points hi khiska. Kuch log maante hain ki Muslim share jaldi hi baaki sab se aage nikal jaayega, lekin saboot iska saath nahi dete. Sachar Committee (report 2006) ke liye banaye gaye projections, jinka tumhari textbook zikr karti hai, ummeed karte the ki 50 saal mein yeh share population ka sirf lagbhag 3 se 4 per cent hi badhega. Isliye communities ke beech ka overall balance zyada badalne ki sambhavna nahi hai.

Census do bade social groups ko bhi ginta hai, jinmein har ek Constitution ke under jaari lists mein naamit saikdon communities se bana hai. In lists ko Schedules kehte hain, isiliye yeh naam pada. Scheduled Castes (jinhe aksar Dalits kehte hain) woh castes hain jinhe purane Hindu social order ne caste ladder se bahar dhakel diya aur 'untouchable' maana. Scheduled Tribes (jinhe aksar Adivasis kehte hain) woh communities hain jo paramparagat roop se jungles aur pahaadon mein, baaki society se kaafi alag, rehti thi. Census 2011 ne 16.6 per cent Indians ko Scheduled Castes aur 8.6 per cent ko Scheduled Tribes mein gina.

Independence ke baad kisi Census ne Other Backward Classes (OBCs) ko nahi gina, isliye unka share sirf estimate hai: 2004–05 ke ek National Sample Survey mein lagbhag 41 per cent. SCs aur STs jodo, to har teen mein se lagbhag do Indians in teen groups mein se kisi ek ke hain. Yeh jaldi badal sakta hai: agla Census, jiski reference date 1 March 2027 hai, caste record karega, jo 1931 ke baad castes ki pehli poori ginti hogi.

3.3 Caste aur politics

Debate ko yaad karo. Gender par, division ko politics mein laane se zyadatar faayda hua hai; religion par, communal politics ne zyadatar nuksaan kiya hai. Caste woh case hai jahan imaandaar jawab hai 'dono'.

3.3.1 Caste inequalities

Gender aur religious divisions poori duniya mein hain, lekin caste aisa division hai jo sirf India mein milta hai. Kai countries mein kabhi lohaar ka beta bhi lohaar banta tha, to kaam ko peedhi-dar-peedhi aage badhaana kaafi aam baat hai. Caste ne is aadat ko had tak pahuncha diya. Janm se tay hota tha ki insaan castes ki seedhi par kahan khada hoga, yaani ek caste hierarchy, aur rasmon aur religious niyamon ne us jagah ko pavitra aur hamesha ke liye jaisa bana diya. Teen niyam har caste ko jode rakhte the. Uske members ek hi tarah ka kaam karte, sirf aapas mein shaadi karte, aur 'neechi' maani jaane wali castes ke saath khaana nahi khaate the. Jin communities ko seedhi se bilkul neeche dhakel diya gaya, unhe untouchability jhelni padi, jiske baare mein tumne Class 9 mein padha.

Jotiba Phule, B. R. Ambedkar, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy aur Gandhiji jaise reformers aur leaders ne caste inequality se mukt society ke liye kaam kiya (Caste inequality se ladaai).

Aaj caste waisi nahi hai jaisi sau saal pehle thi. Iska kuch credit reformers ko jaata hai; baaki Indians ke rehne aur kaam karne ke tareeke mein gehre badlaavon ko. Factory mein kaam ke liye Surat jaane wala ek khet mazdoor ka beta, ya teacher banne wali ek kumhaar ki beti, occupational mobility dikhate hain. Urbanisation har caste ke logon ko ek hi trains, offices aur housing colonies mein le aata hai. Schooling phaili hai, aur bade zameendaar ab gaon par waise raaj nahi karte jaise pehle karte the. In sab ne milkar purani hierarchy ko dheela kiya hai. Law ne bhi isi disha mein dhakka diya: Constitution ne caste discrimination ko gair-kaanooni banaya aur reservations jaisi policies ka raasta khola, jinka maqsad pichhle anyay ki bharpaai karna hai.

Phir bhi caste gaayab nahi hui, jaisa 'Kya bana hua hai' list dikhati hai. Ek aisi race ke baare mein socho jismein kuch runners ko sadiyon tak der se start karne par majboor kiya gaya: niyam hata dene se woh turant barabar nahi aa jaate. Jin families ke purvajon ko padhne-likhne ki ijaazat thi, woh aasani se modern schools aur salaried jobs mein chali gayi. Jin families ke purvajon ko seekhne se roka gaya tha, unhe zero se shuru karna pada. Yahi head start samjhaata hai ki urban middle class mein 'upper' castes zyada kyun hain, aur caste aur economic status ab bhi saath-saath kyun chalte hain.

Aaj caste inequality

Caste ko income par asar hi kyun daalna chahiye? Kyunki sadiyon tak yahi tay karti thi ki us samay ke main resources ka maalik kaun ho sakta hai. Jin castes par 'untouchable' ka thappa laga tha woh zameen ki maalik nahi ho sakti thi, aur sirf 'twice-born' castes ko education ki ijaazat thi. Aise niyam ab gair-kaanooni hain, aur aaj har caste mein ameer aur gareeb families hain, jo ek-do peedhi pehle kam hi dikhta tha. Lekin zameen, education aur contacts mein virasat mein mile gaps dheere-dheere bharte hain, aur purani inequalities ke saath nayi bhi jud gayi hain. Official poverty data iska nateeja dikhata hai (Fig. 3.7).

• Living standards purani seedhi ke hisaab se chalte hain. Average monthly kharche se naapo to groups purane order mein hi line mein aate hain. 'Upper' castes sabse upar, OBCs beech mein, aur Dalits aur Adivasis sabse neeche.
• Gareebi neeche ikatthi hai. Gareeb families har group mein hain. Lekin 2011–12 mein rural India mein STs ka poverty rate (45.3 per cent) 'Others' (15.5 per cent) ka lagbhag teen guna tha, aur SCs aur OBCs beech mein the.
• Wealth upar ikatthi hai. India ke sabse ameer gharon mein 'upper' castes population mein apne share se kahin zyada baar dikhti hain. Dalits aur Adivasis kahin kam dikhte hain.

(Tumhari textbook 1999–2000 ka purana National Sample Survey data dikhati hai, jismein bhi yahi pattern dikhta hai.)

3.3.2 Politics mein caste

Casteism (जातिवाद) communalism ka judwa hai. 'Religion' ki jagah 'caste' rakh do, to tark wahi hai. Kisi caste mein paida hue har insaan se ummeed ki jaati hai ki woh same cheezein chahega, aur uske bahar koi un chaahaton mein shaamil nahi ho sakta. Yeh usi wajah se fail bhi hota hai. Ek hi caste ka ek bhoomiheen mazdoor aur ek ameer contractor wages par shayad hi kabhi sehmat hote hain. Aur caste un kai identities mein se sirf ek hai jo tay karti hain ki koi insaan kaise vote karta hai.

Caste politics mein kai tareekon se aati hai:

• Tickets aur cabinets. Ticket dene se pehle party dekhti hai ki constituency mein kaun si castes rehti hain aur har ek kitne votes la sakti hai. Jab ministers chune jaate hain, to leaders koshish karte hain ki kai castes aur tribes ko cabinet mein 'apna koi' dikhe.
• Campaign mein caste. Speeches aur posters caste ka garv ya shikayat bhadka sakte hain, aur kuch parties khaas castes ke saath pehchaani jaane lagti hain.
• Har vote barabar ginta hai. Universal adult franchise mein ek bhoomiheen mazdoor ka vote bilkul utna hi bhaari hai jitna ek zameendaar ka, isliye leaders ko har group ko manaana pada hai. Jin castes ko lambe samay tak neecha maana gaya, unhe pata chala ki woh bhi governments ko apni baat sunne par majboor kar sakti hain.

Kya iska matlab hai ki har election caste tay karti hai? Saboot kehte hain nahi (Fig. 3.8):

1. Kisi bhi Lok Sabha constituency mein koi ek caste voters ka saaf majority nahi hai, isliye jeetne wale ko kai castes aur communities se votes lene padte hain.
2. Koi party kisi caste ke saare votes nahi paati. Kisi caste ko party ka vote bank kehne ka bas itna matlab hai ki uske bahut se voters us party ka saath dete hain.
3. Jahan kisi caste ko mazboot maana jaata hai, wahan aksar saari rival parties usi caste se candidates khade karti hain, isliye uske votes bant jaate hain. Doosri jagahon par bahut se voters ko ballot par apni caste ka koi candidate milta hi nahi.
4. Governments baar-baar haarti hain, aur sitting MPs aur MLAs apni seats ganwaate hain. Agar har caste hamesha ek hi tarah vote karti, to results shayad hi kabhi badalte.

Voter par aur kya asar daalta hai? Logon se poochho ki unhone waise vote kyun diya. Tum cooking gas ki keemat, nayi sadak ya toota hua waada, koi leader jise woh pasand karte hain ya jis par bharosa nahi karte, aur woh party jise unki family hamesha support karti aayi hai, in sab ke baare mein sunoge. Ek hi caste ke andar ek kisaan aur ek dukaandaar, ya ek daadi aur unka college jaane wala pota, in baaton ko alag tarah se tol sakte hain aur alag vote de sakte hain. Caste kai factors mein se ek hai, aur aksar faisla karne wala factor nahi hota.

3.3.3 Caste mein politics

Arrow doosri taraf bhi jaata hai. Jab caste groups votes aur power ke liye muqaabla karne lagte hain, to unhe political players ki tarah bartaav karna padta hai, aur isse woh badal jaate hain. Seedhe shabdon mein, caste politics par kabza nahi karti, balki politics use politicise kar deti hai (Fig. 3.9). Teen badlaav khaas hain:

• Bade groups. Zyada ginti mein aane ke liye ek caste milti-julti sub-castes ko, unko bhi jinse woh kabhi doori rakhti thi, ek common naam ke neeche shaamil kar leti hai.
• Alliances. Koi caste itni badi nahi ki akele jeet sake, isliye caste leaders ko doosri castes aur communities ke saath deals karni padti hain, yaani unke saath baithkar bargaining karni padti hai.
• Nayi categories. 'Backward' aur 'forward' castes jaise labels, jinmein har ek kai castes ko ek saath rakhta hai, modern politics ki den hain, purane caste order ki nahi.

To kya politics mein caste achhi hai ya buri? Yeh is par depend karta hai ki uska istemaal kaise hota hai. Jo communities sadiyon tak power se bahar rakhi gayi, unke liye Dalits ya OBCs ke roop mein organise hona table par jagah paane ka raasta raha hai. Ab unke kahin zyada members panchayats, assemblies aur ministries mein baithte hain, aur unke movements izzat, zameen aur fair opportunities ke liye dabaav banaate rehte hain. Lekin jo politics sirf caste dekhti hai, woh gareebi, development aur corruption jaisi common problems ko dafna sakti hai, aur castes ki rivalry ko tension aur violence tak mein badal sakti hai. Politics mein caste: do sides dono sides saamne rakhta hai.