Federalism: Class 10 Civics Chapter 2 Hinglish mein

Ek aam din ke baare mein socho. Tumhari jeb mein ₹100 ka note Reserve Bank of India ne jaari kiya hai, aur currency aisa subject hai jis par sirf Union law bana sakti hai. Traffic crossing par khada constable tumhari State government ke liye kaam karta hai. Tumhare ghar ke bahar ki street light, ya tumhare gaon ka hand pump, ek municipality ya gram panchayat sambhaalti hai. Teen governments, har ek chuni hui, har ek ka apna kaam, aur sab ek hi tum par shaasan karti hain.

Chapter 1 mein tumne dekha ki democracy power ko government ke levels ke beech bhi baant sakti hai, sirf government ke organs ya social groups ke beech nahi. Power ki is vertical sharing ko federalism (संघवाद) kehte hain. Yeh chapter pehle is idea ko general roop mein samjhata hai. Phir dekhta hai ki India ka Constitution ise kaise set up karta hai aur politics ne ise kaise chalaya hai. Aakhir mein sabse naye, teesre level ki baat hai: gaon aur shehron ki local government.

2.1 Federalism kya hai?

Chapter 1 do aise countries ke saath khatam hua jinhone alag-alag raaste chune. Dono se ek test question poochho: kya national government apne aap kisi region ki powers chheen sakti hai? 1993 se pehle Belgium mein jawab haan tha, kyunki regional governments ke paas powers sirf centre se udhaar mili hui thi. 1993 ke constitutional changes ke baad jawab nahi ho gaya, kyunki ab woh powers Constitution mein likhi hain. Isi ek change ne Belgium ko unitary se federal country bana diya.

Sri Lanka mein jawab practice mein aaj bhi haan hai: national government ke paas lagbhag saari power hai. Isiliye wahan ke Tamil leaders lambe samay se federal system ki maang karte aaye hain.

Ek typical federation mein poore country ke liye ek government hoti hai aur har State ya province ke liye ek government. Pehli un sawaalon ko sambhaalti hai jin par country ko ek hokar kaam karna hota hai: borders ki raksha, paisa jaari karna, doosre deshon se deal karna. Doosri zyadatar un cheezon ko sambhaalti hai jinse citizens roz milte hain, police station se lekar farm office tak. Is arrangement ko federal levels ki ginti nahi banati, balki unki power ka source banata hai. Har level apna hissa independently rakhta hai, doosre ke ehsaan ki tarah nahi.

2.1.1 Federal ya unitary?

Federation mein kya khaas hai, yeh dekhne ke liye use uske ulte se compare karo, yaani unitary system (एकात्मक व्यवस्था). Wahan power ek hi jagah rehti hai. Ya to country mein government ka ek hi level hota hai, ya uski regional aur local bodies centre ki agents hoti hain, jo national decisions laagu karne ke liye banayi jaati hain. France aur Sri Lanka isi tarah chalte hain.

Ek simple test farak dikhata hai. Maan lo national government tay karti hai ki har police force ki uniform badli jaaye. Unitary country mein woh bas order de deti hai, aur regions maan lete hain. India mein police State subject hai, isliye New Delhi Kerala ya Punjab ko is baare mein kuch karne ka order nahi de sakti; woh sirf unhe manaane ki koshish kar sakti hai. Apne subjects par State government national government ko report nahi karti. Iske bajaay har level voters ko jawab deta hai, jo dono ko chunte hain. Fig. 2.1 dono systems ko dikhata hai.

2.1.2 Federalism ke key features

Federations ek doosre se kaafi alag hoti hain, lekin kuch features sab mein hote hain. Inmein se saat sabse zaroori hain.

1. Do ya zyada tiers. Government ke kam se kam do levels hote hain, jaise national aur State.
2. Log wahi, fields alag. Har tier unhi citizens par shaasan karta hai, lekin har ek ka apna jurisdiction hota hai: laws banane, taxes collect karne aur administration chalane ke apne subjects.
3. Likhit guarantee. Constitution batata hai ki har tier kya control karta hai, isliye koi bhi tier sirf doosre ki marzi par exist nahi karta ya power nahi rakhta.
4. Ek-tarfa changes nahi. Power-sharing ke basic rules koi ek tier akele dobara nahi likh sakta; dono tiers ka raazi hona zaroori hai.
5. Courts umpire ki tarah. Courts constitution ka interpretation karte hain, aur sabse ooncha court tiers ke beech ke disputes settle karta hai ki kis power ka haq kiske paas hai.
6. Apna paisa. Har tier ke revenue ke sources saaf-saaf tay hain, isliye use har rupaye ke liye doosre par nirbhar nahi rehna padta.
7. Ek saath do goals. System ka maksad country ko ekjut rakhna hai aur saath hi uski regional variety ke liye jagah chhodna hai.

Sirf likhe hue rules se federation nahi chalti. Ek housing society socho jismein har family apna flat khud sambhaalti hai aur ek chuni hui committee lift, gate aur water tank chalati hai. Yeh tabhi chalta hai jab sab kaam ke is batwaare ko maanein aur bharosa karein ki doosre bhi ise nibhaayenge. Federations bhi aisi hi hain. Levels ko pehle power share karne ke rules par sahmat hona hota hai, aur phir ek doosre par bharosa karna hota hai ki woh un rules ka samman karenge. Federation tab sabse mazboot hoti hai jab dono baatein hon: rules ka ek agreed set aur saath rehne ki sachchi chaah.

2.1.3 Federation tak pahunchne ke do raaste

Kuch federations mein centre powerful kyun hota hai aur kuch mein kam? Aksar jawab history mein hota hai, yaani us federation ka janm kaise hua. Janm ki do aam kahaaniyan hain (Fig. 2.2).

Pehli kahaani mein alag-alag countries milne ka faisla karte hain. USA banane wali terah purani British colonies, aur Swiss cantons, sab akele khade rehne se darte the. Isliye unhone common defence ke liye apni independence ka kuch hissa chhoda, lekin apne laws aur identity bachaaye rakhi. Australia ki chhe colonies bhi 1901 mein isi tarah judi. Kyunki members ne union banaya tha, unhone dhyaan rakha ki naya centre limited rahe. Aisi coming together federations mein aam taur par har member ke paas same powers hoti hain, aur members federal government ke muqable powerful rehte hain.

Doosri kahaani mein country pehle se ek unit ki tarah exist karta hai. Woh apne regions ke saath power share karna chunta hai, aksar bahut alag-alag regions ko ek state ke andar santusht rakhne ke liye. 1950 se India, 1978 ke constitution ke under Spain aur 1993 se Belgium ne yahi raasta liya. Kyunki centre ne power neeche se lene ke bajaay neeche di, isliye in holding together federations mein aam taur par centre ka palda bhaari rehta hai. Regions ke saath ek jaisa vyavhaar bhi zaroori nahi: kuch ko language, culture ya history bachaane ke liye special powers milti hain.

2.2 India ko federal country kya banata hai?

Belgium aur Sri Lanka chhote countries hain, phir bhi dono ko apni communities ke beech power share karne mein mushkil hui. India bahut bada hai aur kahin zyada diverse, jismein kai languages, religions aur regions hain. Yeh power kaise share karta hai?

India ki federation mushkil samay mein bani. Partition ne abhi-abhi khoon-kharabe ke saath zameen baanti thi, aur 500 se zyada chhote-bade princely states ko naye country mein laana tha. Framers ek mazboot, ekjut India chahte the jo apne regional differences ka samman bhi kar sake. Natija ek aisa Constitution hai jo kabhi federation shabd use nahi karta aur India ko ‘Union of States’ kehta hai. Phir bhi yeh saaf taur par federal system banata hai: pehle list kiye gaye saaton features ismein maujood hain.

1950 mein do tiers the: New Delhi mein Union government, jise Central government bhi kehte hain, aur har State mein ek government. Panchayats aur municipalities thi, lekin sirf State laws ke under. 1992 ke amendments ne unhe ek constitutional teesra tier bana diya, jiska baaki do ki tarah apna jurisdiction hai.

2.2.1 Teen lists

Is arrangement ka dil law banane ki power ka teen-tarfa batwara hai, jo Constitution ke Seventh Schedule mein diya gaya hai (Fig. 2.3).

• Union List (संघ सूची) mein woh subjects hain jin par country ko har jagah ek hi policy chahiye: defence, foreign affairs, banking, currency, railways, aur posts and telephones. Inpar sirf Parliament laws bana sakti hai.
• State List (राज्य सूची) mein State aur local mahatva ke subjects hain: police aur public order, agriculture, irrigation, public health aur hospitals, aur State ke andar trade and commerce. Inpar sirf State legislatures laws bana sakti hain.
• Concurrent List (समवर्ती सूची) mein woh subjects hain jo dono se jude hain: education, forests, marriage aur divorce, adoption aur succession, trade unions aur electricity. Inpar Parliament aur State legislatures dono laws bana sakti hain. Niyam yeh hai ki agar same Concurrent subject par Union law aur State law takraate hain, to Union law hi laagu hota hai.

1950 mein likhi koi bhi list sab kuch pehle se nahi soch sakti thi. Jo matters teeno mein se kisi list mein nahi aate, jaise computer software, unhe residuary subjects kehte hain. Constitution ka Article 248 unhe Parliament ko deta hai, jisse Union ka wazan aur badhta hai.

2.2.2 Har unit ke paas same powers nahi hoti

Holding together federations apni saari units ke saath shayad hi ek jaisa vyavhaar karti hain, aur India bhi alag nahi hai. Articles ka ek group, 371 se 371J tak, kai States ke liye unki khaas history aur society ki wajah se special provisions karta hai. Article 371A lo. Yeh kehta hai ki Naga customary law, religious aur social practices, ya zameen ki ownership aur transfer par Parliament ka koi Act Nagaland mein tab tak laagu nahi hota jab tak State ki Assembly raazi na ho. Article 371G Mizoram ko aisi hi protection deta hai. Yeh provisions kya bachaate hain, yeh jagah ke hisaab se badalta hai. North-east mein yeh tribal zameen aur customary law ki raksha karte hain. Andhra Pradesh, Telangana aur Karnataka ke kuch hisson mein yeh local logon ke liye government jobs aur college seats mein uchit hissa pakka karte hain.

Doosre chhor par aisi units hain jinke paas apni bahut kam power hai: Union Territories (केंद्रशासित प्रदेश). Kuch, jaise Lakshadweep aur Andaman and Nicobar Islands ke dweep samooh, State ki tarah chalne ke liye bahut chhote ya bahut door hain. Aaj India mein aath Union Territories hain. Inke paas State jaisi powers nahi hoti; Union government inhe ek Administrator ya Lieutenant Governor ke zariye chalati hai. Delhi, Puducherry aur Jammu and Kashmir mein chuni hui assemblies hain, lekin unki powers State se kam hain.

2.2.3 Balance ki raksha

Maan lo aage koi Parliament police ko Union List mein daalna chahe. Kya woh bas vote karke aisa kar sakti hai? Nahi. Lists mein, ya powers ke batwaare ke tareeke mein, koi bhi change do rukaavatein paar karta hai (Fig. 2.5). Pehli, Parliament ke har House ko use special majority se paas karna hota hai. Iska matlab hai House ki total membership ka majority aur present aur vote karne wale members ka kam se kam do-tihaai. Doosri, kam se kam aadhi State legislatures ko use approve karna hota hai. Tabhi woh assent ke liye President ke paas jaata hai. Doosre shabdon mein, apni powers ki ek chaabi States ke paas hai.

Courts umpire ka kaam karte hain. Agar Union aur ek State, ya do States, is baat par asahmat hon ki kis power ka haq kiske paas hai, to dispute courts mein jaata hai. Article 131 ke under Supreme Court governments ke beech ke disputes seedhe sun sakta hai, aur High Courts bhi powers ke batwaare ke bahut se cases ka faisla karte hain.

Aakhir mein, har level ko apna paisa chahiye, isliye Constitution Union aur States ko tax lagane ki alag powers deta hai. Jaise, non-farm income par income tax aur customs duties Union ke paas jaati hain, jabki land revenue aur property documents par stamp duty States ki hain. 2017 se Goods and Services Tax (GST) shared hai. Dono levels ise lagate hain, aur rates ek GST Council mein tay hote hain jahan Union aur har State saath baithte hain.

2.3 Federalism practice mein kaise chalta hai?

Constitution sirf ek rulebook hai; asli baat yeh hai ki players kaise behave karte hain. Bahut se countries ke federal constitutions practice mein nazarandaaz kiye jaate hain. India ki federation ummeed se behtar chali hai, aur iski main wajah uski democratic politics hai. Dashakon mein parties, leaders aur citizens ne yeh maan liya ki diversity samman ki haqdaar hai aur country ko ekjut rakhne ke liye power share karni padti hai. Teen developments dikhate hain ki yeh kaise hua.

2.3.1 Linguistic States

Aaj tum jo States jaante ho, zyadatar woh units nahi hain jinse India ne shuruaat ki thi. 1947 mein map ek patchwork tha. Usmein British zamane ke provinces the, jaise United Provinces aur Central Provinces, aur saikdon princely states, jaise Hyderabad aur Mysore. Inmein se lagbhag koi bhi apne purane roop mein nahi bacha. State borders ko is tarah dobara kheenchna ki har bade language group ka apna State ho, India mein democracy ka pehla bada test tha.

Kai national leaders pareshaan the. Partition ne abhi dikhaya tha ki gehri loyalties country ko kaise tod sakti hain, aur unhe dar tha ki language par bane States India ko aur tootne ki taraf le ja sakte hain. Isliye Central government ne shuru mein is maang ka virodh kiya. Kai regions mein movements dabaav banaye rahe. December 1952 mein Telugu bolne walon ke State ke liye lambe fast ke baad Potti Sriramulu ki maut ho gayi, aur agle saal Andhra State bana. Uske baad ek States Reorganisation Commission bana, aur 1956 mein zyadatar State borders language ke aadhaar par dobara kheenche gaye (neeche ki timeline).

Language kabhi akela test nahi thi. Nagaland aur Meghalaya north-east ke pahadi logon ki alag identities se bane. Uttarakhand aur Jharkhand Uttar Pradesh aur Bihar ke pahadi aur jungle wale regions se bane, jinke log door ki State capitals se ignored mehsoos karte the. Telangana ke log Andhra Pradesh ke apne padosiyon ki tarah Telugu bolte hain, lekin unhone regional aadhaar par apna State maanga.

Sattar saal baad, tootne ke shuruaati dar galat lagte hain. Ek Tamil ya Marathi bolne wala vyakti State government se deal kar sakta hai, court ja sakta hai aur exams apni language mein de sakta hai. Isse log India mein zyada apnapan mehsoos karte hain, kam nahi. Jahan officials aur citizens ek hi language bolte hain, wahan shaasan bhi aasaan ho gaya hai.

2.3.2 Language policy

Doosra test language tha. Socho ki Union government ka koi recruitment exam sirf Hindi mein likha ja sakta: Kerala, Odisha ya Assam ke zyadatar candidates shuru se hi nuksaan mein hote. India ka Constitution aisa nahi hone deta. Yeh koi national language tay hi nahi karta. Devanagari script mein Hindi Union ki official language hai. Lekin yeh aadhe se kam Indians ki mother tongue hai: 2011 Census mein 43.6 per cent.11Tumhari textbook ek jagah ise ‘lagbhag 40 per cent’ aur doosri jagah ‘lagbhag 44 per cent’ round karti hai; Census ka figure 43.63 per cent hai. Isliye doosri languages ko mazboot protection milti hai.

Constitution ka Eighth Schedule 22 Scheduled Languages list karta hai, jinmein Hindi bhi hai. Union Public Service Commission ke civil services main examination mein candidates apne answers inmein se kisi bhi language mein ya English mein likh sakte hain. Har State apni official language ya languages bhi khud chunta hai, isliye Karnataka ka kisan State government se Kannada mein deal karta hai aur Punjab ka kisan Punjabi mein.

Sabse mushkil pal 1965 mein aaya. Constitution ne official kaam mein English ko sirf pandrah saal, 26 January 1965 tak, ki ijaazat di thi. Jaise hi deadline aayi, Madras State (ab Tamil Nadu) mein students aur parties ne protests shuru kiye jo hinsak ho gaye, aur doosre non-Hindi bolne wale States ne bhi unki chinta share ki. Union ne force ke bajaay samjhauta chuna: English Hindi ke saath chalti rahegi, aur yeh vaada 1967 mein Official Languages Act mein amendment karke law mein likha gaya. Kuch critics kehte hain ki asli faayda chhote English-educated elite ko hua.

Union aaj bhi official policy ke taur par Hindi ko badhava deti hai, lekin jin States ke log doosri languages bolte hain un par Hindi thop nahi sakti. India ke leaders ne sab par ek language thopne ke bajaay lachilapan dikhaya. Natije mein India us kadwe conflict se bach gaya jo 1956 mein Sri Lanka ke Sinhala ko apni akeli official language banane ke faisle ke baad hua.

India ki linguistic diversity

India ki languages ginna jitna lagta hai usse mushkil hai. 2011 Census mein logon ne apni mother tongues lagbhag 20,000 alag tareekon se likhi. Census experts ne pehle spellings aur duplicates ko milaya, jisse 1,369 alag mother tongues bachi. Phir unhone milti-julti tongues ko 121 languages mein group kiya; jaise Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Garhwali aur Haryanvi, sab Hindi ke under gine jaate hain. 121 mein se sirf 22 Eighth Schedule mein hain, aur baaki 99 non-Scheduled hain. Bahut kam countries is variety ke aas-paas bhi aate hain.

Fig. 2.6 ko upar se padho. Sabse lambi bar, 43.6 per cent wali Hindi, bhi aadhe wali line se pehle ruk jaati hai, aur doosri, Bengali, sirf 8 per cent tak pahunchti hai. Koi bhi language majority ki mother tongue nahi hai. Mother tongue ke roop mein English mushkil se dikhti hai, lagbhag 0.02 per cent Indians. Phir bhi lagbhag har das mein se ek Indian ne Census ko bataya ki woh ise doosri ya teesri language ki tarah jaanta hai.

2.3.3 Centre–State relations

Teesra badlaav New Delhi aur State capitals ke roz ke rishte mein aaya. Wahi constitutional rules udaarta se bhi laagu kiye ja sakte hain aur kanjoosi se bhi, aur yeh satta mein baithi parties ke vyavhaar se tay hota hai (Fig. 2.7).

1950 ke baad ke pehle dashakon mein ek hi party New Delhi aur zyadatar State capitals mein raaj karti thi. Chief Ministers apni party ke national leaders se ishaare lete the, isliye States apne constitutional rights par kam hi zor dete the. Virodhi parties ke chalaaye States ko zyada mushkil hoti thi. Unke khilaaf Centre ka pasandida hathiyaar Article 356 tha. Yeh Union ko kisi aise State par President's Rule lagane deta hai jiski government Constitution ke mutabik nahi chal sakti. Opposition parties ki chuni hui State governments ko is tarah baar-baar hataaya gaya, aur Justice R. S. Sarkaria ki leadership wale commission ne 1988 mein report di ki is article ka aksar galat use hua tha. Yeh federalism ki spirit ke khilaaf tha.

1990s ne yeh palat diya. Ek State mein jadein rakhne wali parties ek ke baad ek State mein mazboot hui. 1989 se 2014 tak kisi bhi Lok Sabha election ne kisi ek party ko apna majority nahi diya. Isliye is daur ki zyadatar Union governments coalition governments thi jo regional partners par nirbhar thi. Aise partners ki zaroorat wala Prime Minister States ko aasaani se nazarandaaz nahi kar sakta tha ya dhamka nahi sakta tha, aur State governments ka samman political life ka hissa ban gaya.

Courts ne is trend ko aur mazboot kiya. 1994 ke S. R. Bommai case mein Supreme Court ne faisla diya ki State government ka majority Assembly ke floor par test hona chahiye. Usne yeh bhi faisla diya ki courts President's Rule ki proclamation ki jaanch kar sakte hain. Isse Centre ke liye apni marzi se State governments ko hataana bahut mushkil ho gaya. Tab se chuni hui State governments ko hataana kahin zyada kam ho gaya hai, aur States 1950s aur 1960s ke muqable Centre se kahin zyada confidence se mol-bhaav karte hain.

2.4 India mein decentralisation

Itne bade country ke liye do tiers kaafi nahi hain. 2011 Census mein akele Uttar Pradesh mein lagbhag 20 crore log the, Brazil se zyada, aur Bihar ke 10.4 crore log Germany ki population se zyada the.22Brazil ki 2010 census mein 19.1 crore log the aur Germany ki 2011 census mein 8.0 crore. Lucknow mein baitha Chief Minister yeh nahi jaan sakta ki saikdon kilometre door kisi district mein kis gaon ka kuan sookh gaya hai. Zyadatar States andar se bhi bahut diverse hain, isliye unke andar bhi power share karni padti hai. Yahi State ke neeche ek teesre tier, local government, ka tark hai. Ise teen manzila building ki ground floor samjho, woh floor jo logon ke asli rehne ki jagah ke sabse paas hai.

Central aur State governments se power aur paisa neeche local bodies tak le jaane ko decentralisation (विकेंद्रीकरण) kehte hain. Iske paksh mein teen tark hain. Jaankari: kisi ward ya gaon ke log sabse achhe se jaante hain ki kaun si naali mein baadh aati hai, kis school mein teacher nahi hai aur kaun si sadak baarish mein beh gayi. Behtar kharch: woh tay kar sakte hain ki inmein se kaun si zaroorat pehle hai aur paisa kaise use ho raha hai is par nazar rakh sakte hain. Participation: ghar ke paas liye gaye faisle aam citizens ko seedhe judne dete hain, aur yeh practice unhe behtar democrats banata hai. Milkar yeh ek purane democratic ideal ko poora karte hain: local self-government, yaani log apne local maamle khud chalayein.

Yeh idea purana hai. Constitution ka Article 40 State se gram panchayats organise karne ko kehta hai. 1959 mein Rajasthan ne pehla three-tier panchayati raj system shuru kiya; jald hi doosre States ne bhi yahi kiya, aur towns mein municipalities thi. Phir bhi teen dashakon tak yeh bodies State governments ki daya par rahi. Koi State unke elections saalon tak taal sakta tha ya apni marzi se unhe bhang kar sakta tha, aur unke paas apna paisa ya authority bahut kam thi. Kaagaz par power neeche aa gayi thi; asal mein nahi.

2.4.1 1992 ke amendments

Ek bada kadam 1992 mein aaya, jab Parliament ne do constitutional amendments paas kiye: rural local bodies ke liye 73rd aur urban ke liye 74th. Yeh 1993 mein laagu hue aur inhone local government ko democracy ka ek asli, constitution se protected teesra tier bana diya. Inse paanch bade badlaav aaye.

• Regular elections. Local bodies ke elections har paanch saal mein hone chahiye; agar koi body pehle bhang ho jaaye, to chhe mahine ke andar naya election hona chahiye.
• Reserved seats. Seats, aur in bodies ke heads ke posts, Scheduled Castes aur Scheduled Tribes ke liye unki population ke proportion mein reserved hain, aur States Other Backward Classes ke liye bhi seats reserve kar sakte hain.
• Kam se kam ek-tihaai women ke liye. Saari seats, aur heads ke posts, ka ek-tihaai se kam nahi, women ke liye reserved hai.
• State Election Commission. Har State mein ek independent State Election Commission panchayat aur municipal elections karwata hai.
• Powers aur paisa share karna. State governments ko local bodies ke saath kuch powers aur revenue share karna hota hai. Har paanch saal mein bana State Finance Commission sujhaata hai ki paisa kaise share ho. Practice mein States mein bahut farak hai ki woh kitna saunpte hain.

2.4.2 Panchayati raj: rural local government

Rural local government aam taur par panchayati raj (पंचायती राज) ke naam se jaani jaati hai. Iski sabse chhoti unit gram panchayat hai. Bade gaon ki apni gram panchayat hoti hai, jabki kuch States mein kuch chhote gaon milkar ek share karte hain. Gaon ka har ward ek member chunta hai, panch. Gaon ka ek head bhi hota hai, sarpanch (kuch States mein pradhan ya mukhiya kehte hain), jise zyadatar States mein voters seedhe chunte hain. Milkar yeh woh council banate hain jo poore gaon ke liye faisle leti hai (Fig. 2.8).

Panchayat bina roktok ke nahi chhodi jaati. Gaon ka har voter gram sabha (ग्राम सभा) ka member hai, jo gaon ki apni assembly hai. Jab yeh milti hai, to gaon wale sarpanch se sawaal kar sakte hain, panchayat ka saalana budget paas ya reject kar sakte hain aur uske kaam ko parakh sakte hain, kuch waise hi jaise shareholders company ke managers se sawaal karte hain. State laws tay karte hain ki ise kitni baar milna hai, aam taur par saal mein kam se kam do ya teen baar. Kai States gram sabha meetings 26 January, 15 August aur 2 October jaise dino par bulaate hain.

Gaon ke upar structure ka nazariya aur bada hota jaata hai. Panchayat samiti (kuch States mein block ya mandal panchayat kehte hain) gram panchayats ke ek group ko sambhaalti hai. Iske members chune jaate hain, aur kai States mein ilaake ke sarpanch bhi ismein baithte hain. Zilla parishad poore district ke liye planning karti hai. Iska zyadatar hissa chune hue members ka hota hai, lekin district ke Lok Sabha members aur MLAs ki bhi seats hoti hain, aur iska chuna hua chairperson iska political head hota hai.

2.4.3 Urban local government

Urban India ka apna version hai. Constitution size ke hisaab se teen tarah ki urban bodies deta hai. Nagar panchayat aisi jagah ke liye hai jo gaon se town ban rahi ho, municipality (municipal council) chhote town ke liye, aur municipal corporation Pune ya Kolkata jaise bade shehar ke liye. Har ek wards mein bata hota hai jinke voters councillors chunte hain. Municipality ka political head municipal chairperson hota hai; corporation mein yeh mayor hota hai, jise aksar shehar ka first citizen kaha jaata hai.

2.4.4 Yeh kitna achha chala hai?

Shayad kisi aur country mein kabhi ek saath itne log chune hue local office mein nahi rahe. Tumhari textbook poore India mein panchayats aur municipalities ke lagbhag 36 lakh chune hue members ginti hai, jo Uruguay jaise kisi country ki poori population se zyada hai.

Faayde asli hain. Local elections ab samay par hote hain, aur gaon wale badi sankhya mein vote dene aate hain. Reserved seats ne bahut badi sankhya mein women, Dalits aur Adivasis ko public life mein laaya hai, aksar pehli baar. 2006 mein Bihar panchayats mein women ke reservation ko 50 per cent tak badhaane wala pehla State bana, aur tab se kai States ne aisa hi kiya hai. Galiyon, paani aur schools ke faisle ab ghar ke paas bahas karke liye jaate hain, jisse democracy aur gehri hui hai.

Kamiyan bhi utni hi asli hain. Gram sabhas aksar kam milti hain, ya bahut kam log aate hain. Zyadatar States mein important powers ab bhi State government ke paas hain. Local bodies ke paas na itna fund hai na staff ki woh khud zyada kuch kar sakein, isliye woh upar se milne wali grants par nirbhar rehti hain. India ne lamba safar tay kiya hai, lekin sachcha local self-government abhi bhi kuch door hai.