Power-sharing: Class 10 Civics Chapter 1 Hinglish mein

Cricket match mein power kiske haath mein hoti hai? Toss se pehle selectors ne squad chuna. Captain field set karta hai aur batting order tay karta hai. Umpires har appeal par faisla dete hain, aur third umpire on-field call ko palat sakta hai. Poora game kisi ek ke control mein nahi hai, aur isi wajah se dono teams result maan leti hain.

Class 9 mein tumne dekha ki democracy apni saari power government ke kisi ek organ ko nahi deti. Yeh chapter us idea ko aage le jaata hai. Hum do countries se shuru karte hain, Belgium aur Sri Lanka, jinke saamne ek hi sawaal tha: alag-alag languages bolne wali communities ke beech power kaise share ki jaaye? Dono ne bilkul ulte jawab diye. Unki kahaniyan dikhati hain ki democracies power-sharing (सत्ता की साझेदारी) kyun karti hain, aur hamein uske main forms tak le jaati hain. Phir Chapter 2, Federalism, in forms mein se ek ko dhyaan se padhta hai.

1.1 Belgium aur Sri Lanka

Belgium western Europe mein hai, aur chhota sa hai: iska area, lagbhag 30,700 km², Haryana ke 44,212 km² se bhi kam hai. Iske neighbours hain: north mein Netherlands, east mein Germany, south-east mein Luxembourg aur south aur west mein France. 1 January 2024 ko yahan lagbhag 1.18 crore log the (Statbel, Belgium ka statistics office); textbook ise round karke ek crore se thoda zyada likhti hai.

Belgium ka size aam hai; lekin uski banawat aam nahi hai. Wahan teen language communities rehti hain, aur har ek ek ethnic group hai jiska apna shared culture ka ehsaas hai. Zyadatar Dutch bolne wale Flanders mein rehte hain, jo northern region hai. Zyadatar French bolne wale Wallonia mein rehte hain, jo southern region hai. Ek chhoti German bolne wali community eastern border ke paas rehti hai. Capital Brussels apne aap mein ek alag region hai, jahan French aur Dutch dono official hain.

Sirf numbers se ek twist chhup jaata hai. Lambe samay tak French bolne wali minority zyada ameer aur powerful group thi. Business, government aur universities ki language French thi, aur industry pehle south mein badhi. Flanders Second World War ke baad hi barabari par aaya, aur bahut se Dutch bolne walon ko laga ki unke saath apne hi desh mein second-class citizens jaisa bartaav hua. 1950s aur 1960s mein is naraazgi se dono communities ke beech tez tension paida hui.

Sabse zyada tension Brussels mein thi. Poore desh mein Dutch bolne wale majority mein the; lekin capital ke andar woh ek chhoti minority the. Isliye dono sides ek saath khatra mehsoos kar sakti thi: French bolne wale national majority se, aur Dutch bolne wale capital ki majority se (Fig. 1.1).

Ab South Asia chalo. Sri Lanka ek island nation hai, jo Tamil Nadu se sirf patli si Palk Strait se alag hai. Iske 2012 census mein lagbhag 2 crore log gine gaye, aur 2024 census mein lagbhag 2.2 crore. Iske do sabse bade groups hain Sinhala bolne wale aur Tamil bolne wale. Tamils khud do groups mein bante hain. Sri Lankan Tamils un communities se hain jo sadiyon se island par reh rahi hain, zyadatar iske north aur east mein. Indian Tamils un workers ke vanshaj hain jinhe British rule ke dauraan India se tea aur coffee plantations par laaya gaya tha.

Religion aur language aapas mein overlap karte hain, lekin saaf-saaf nahi. Zyadatar Sinhala bolne wale Buddhists hain, jabki Tamils zyadatar Hindu ya Muslim hain. Christians, jo population ke lagbhag 7 per cent hain (2012 census mein 7.4 per cent), Sinhala aur Tamil bolne wale, dono mein milte hain.

Socho ki tum in mein se kisi country ke leader ho. Belgium mein Dutch bolne wali majority apne numbers ke dum par baaki sabko dabaa sakti thi. Naraazgi badhti, aur shayad desh toot jaata. Aisa batwara kadwa hota, kyunki Brussels Flanders ke andar hai lekin wahan zyadatar French boli jaati hai, isliye koi bhi side use chhodti nahi. Sri Lanka mein Sinhala majority aur bhi badi thi, isliye woh aasani se poore island par haavi ho sakti thi. Har country ne asal mein kya kiya, yeh agle do sections ka topic hai.

1.2 Sri Lanka mein majoritarianism

Sri Lanka, jise tab Ceylon kehte the, 1948 mein Britain se independent hua. Kuch hi saalon mein Sinhala community ke leaders ne apne numbers ko state ke control mein badal diya. Koi party sirf Sinhala votes se power jeet sakti thi, isliye governments par Sinhala language, religion aur community ko sabse aage rakhne ka dabaav aaya. Is approach ka ek naam hai: majoritarianism (बहुसंख्यकवाद).

• Language (1956): Parliament ke ek Act ne Sinhala ko akeli official language bana diya. Tamil ko chhod diya gaya.
• Colleges aur jobs: government policies ne university admissions aur government jobs mein Sinhala applicants ko faayda diya.
• Religion (1972): ek naye constitution ne Buddhism ko sabse upar ki jagah di aur use protect aur promote karna state ka kartavya bana diya.

Akele mein har kadam chhota lag sakta tha. Lekin sab milkar Sri Lankan Tamils ko ek message de gaye: naya state barabari se unka nahi tha. Ek Tamil bolne wali graduate ke saamne ab aisi government thi jo uski language mein kaam nahi karti thi, aur college aur public jobs tak ka raasta mushkil ho gaya tha. Tamil leaders ne shikayat ki ki koi bhi badi party, jo sab Sinhala Buddhists chalate the, unki community ki chintaon ko seriously nahi leti thi. Dono communities ke beech trust ghis-ghis kar khatam hone laga.

Tamil parties ne teen cheezon ke liye campaign kiya: Tamil ko official language banana, jin provinces mein Tamils rehte the unhe zyada autonomy, aur education aur jobs mein barabar mauka. Provincial autonomy ki maang baar-baar thukra di gayi. Samay ke saath kuch groups ne power mein hissa maangna chhod diya aur north aur east mein apna alag desh, Tamil Eelam, maangna shuru kar diya.

Saalon ke saath shak armed conflict mein badal gaya aur aakhir mein civil war (गृहयुद्ध) ban gaya (Fig. 1.2). Iski keemat bahut badi thi. Divide ke dono taraf hazaaron log maare gaye. Log apne ghar chhodkar bhaage, kuch desh ke andar camps mein aur kuch bahar, Tamil Nadu bhi. War zones mein kheti, fishing aur trade thapp ho gaye, aur schools aur hospitals barbaad ho gaye. Fighting May 2009 mein khatam hui.

1.3 Belgium mein accommodation

Belgium ke saamne bhi wahi khatra tha, lekin usne ulta raasta chuna. Uske leaders ne, chahe Dutch bolne wale hon ya French bolne wale, yeh maana ki kisi bhi community ko apni language ya apni awaaz chhodne par majboor nahi kiya ja sakta. Lagbhag bees saalon mein unhone constitutional change ke chaar rounds mein state ko naye sire se banaya: 1970, 1980, 1988–89 aur 1993 mein. 1993 tak Belgium ek unitary state se federal state ban chuka tha, apne khud ke design ke saath. Har community ke liye jagah banane ke is approach ko accommodation kehte hain.

1. Central government: constitution ke hisaab se Dutch aur French bolne wale ministers barabar sankhya mein hone chahiye (Prime Minister iska exception ho sakta hai). Kuch special laws tabhi pass hote hain jab Parliament mein har language group ke zyadatar members unke liye vote karein, taaki koi bhi community akele faisla na kar sake.
2. Regional governments: bahut si powers centre se regions ke paas chali gayi. Regional governments central government ke neeche nahi hain: apne fields mein aakhri faisla unka hota hai.11Belgium mein teen regions hain: Flanders, Wallonia aur Brussels-Capital. Textbook ke “do regions” ka matlab Flanders aur Wallonia hai; Brussels ko alag se dekha gaya hai.
3. Brussels: capital ki apni government hai jismein Dutch aur French bolne walon ko barabar representation milta hai. Yeh ek len-den tha: Dutch bolne walon ne centre mein apni majority ka faayda chhoda, aur badle mein French bolne walon ne capital mein apna faayda chhoda.
4. Community governments: har language community, Dutch, French aur German bolne wali, apni khud ki government chunti hai, chahe uske members Belgium ke kisi bhi hisse mein rehte hon. Yeh governments language, culture aur schooling sambhalti hain.

Kya Belgian model saaf-suthra hai? Bilkul nahi. Haryana se bhi chhota ek desh lagbhag aadha darjan governments chalata hai, aur Belgians ko bhi yeh system samjhana mushkil lagta hai. Phir bhi apne maksad ke hisaab se dekho to yeh kaam kar gaya hai. 1950s aur 1960s ka language jhagda hathiyaron se nahi, balki parliaments aur elections mein lada gaya hai. Desh language ke hisaab se bantne ke bajaye ek bana raha hai. Brussels to aage chalkar European Union ke main offices ka ghar bhi bana.

1.4 Dono kahaniyan kya sikhati hain

Dono kahaniyon ko saath rakhkar dekho to ek pattern dikhta hai. Dono countries mein elections hue; dono mein ek badi majority aur ek pareshaan minority thi. Belgium ke leaders ne minority ke dar ko ek aisi problem maana jise poore desh ko solve karna tha, aur har group ne deal tak pahunchne ke liye kuch na kuch chhoda. Sri Lanka ki governments ne majority ke numbers ko akele faisla karne ka license maana. Nateeja ek strong state nahi, balki ek bata hua, war se tabaah state tha (Fig. 1.4). Sabak: ek diverse country mein power share karne se inkaar karna unity khone ka sabse pakka tareeka hai.

1.5 Power-sharing kyun achchha hai

Power share karna kamzori ka nuskha lag sakta hai: zyada logon se poochhna, zyada awaazon ko khush karna. Lekin ek housing society ke baare mein socho. Agar ek resident akele maintenance charges tay kar de, to baaki log dene se mana kar dete hain aur maamla court tak pahunch jaata hai. Agar har building ke ek member wali elected committee faisla kare, to log thoda badbadayenge, lekin pay karenge, kyunki unki bhi awaaz thi. Jo power share hoti hai, use log aksar zyada khushi se maante hain. Power share karne ke do tarah ke reasons hain (Fig. 1.5).

Prudential reasons (युक्तिपरक) results ke baare mein hote hain. Woh ek practical sawaal poochhte hain: kaunsa arrangement desh ko zyada shaant, safe aur stable rakhta hai? Jin groups ke paas power ka hissa hota hai, unke paas ladne ki wajah kam hoti hai, isliye riots, rebellions aur girti governments ki sambhavna kam ho jaati hai; power-sharing political order ko stable rakhti hai. Minority ko bas vote mein hara dena short run mein jaldi hota hai, lekin har haar uska gussa badhati hai, aur saalon mein nation ki unity kamzor padti jaati hai. 'Tyranny of the majority' majority par bhi ulti padti hai: Sri Lanka ki war ne Sinhala community ko bhi jaanon, paise aur security mein bahut nuksaan pahunchaya.

Moral reasons costs aur benefits ko bilkul nahi ginte. Unke hisaab se power share karna bas govern karne ka sahi tareeka hai, kyunki democracy mein power shuru se hi logon ki hoti hai. Gaon ke kuen, shehar ki buses ya desh ki language ke baare mein faisla asli logon par asar daalta hai, aur un logon ko usmein awaaz milni chahiye. Unse salah lena unka haq hai, koi ehsaan nahi. Jis government mein citizens hissa lete hain, vote dekar, behas karke aur councils mein kaam karke, woh sabko system mein hissedaar banati hai, aur yahi use legitimate banata hai. Is matlab mein, power share karna hi democracy ki asli spirit hai.

Short mein, prudential reasons power-sharing ko uske behtar results ki wajah se mahatva dete hain, jabki moral reasons share karne ke kaam ko hi mahatva dete hain. Ab chapter ki shuruaat wali chinta par wapas aao: kya power share karne se desh kamzor hota hai?

Taif Agreement khud religion par based posts khatam karne ko ek long-term national goal batata hai, aur tab tak shares rakhta hai. Yeh khud ek tarah ka beech ka raasta hai.

1.6 Power-sharing ke forms

Sadiyon tak rulers aur thinkers maante rahe ki state ko command ke ek hi centre ki zaroorat hoti hai. Ek Mughal emperor ya French king laws banata, administration chalata aur aakhri appeals sunta. Unhe dar tha ki power baantne ka matlab hoga kabhi na khatam hone wali behas aur aise orders jinhe koi na maane. Power-sharing undivided power ke is idea ko chunauti dete hue badhi.

Democracy ulte sire se shuru hoti hai. Agar power shuru se hi logon se aati hai, to use ek office mein band kar dena koi matlab nahi rakhta. Citizens elected bodies ke zariye apne maamle khud chalate hain, Parliament se lekar gram sabha tak. Ek healthy democracy apni kai communities aur opinions ki sunti hai aur aam logon ko public faislon ko shape karne deti hai. Isliye democracy ka swabhaav hai ki power ko zyada se zyada haathon mein baanta jaaye.

Modern democracies kai tareekon se power share karti hain. Chaar arrangements sabse common hain.

1.6.1 Government ke organs ke beech

Government ke teen organs ko socho, legislature, executive aur judiciary, ek hi level par ek line mein khade hain. Har ek ke paas alag tarah ki power hai: laws banana, unhe laagu karna, aur unse jude jhagdon ka faisla karna. Kyunki yeh sharing ek hi level par side mein chalti hai, ise horizontal distribution of power (सत्ता का क्षैतिज वितरण) kehte hain. Is tarah power baantne ka matlab hai ki koi bhi organ man-mani nahi kar sakta, kyunki baaki do nazar rakhte hain (Fig. 1.6).

Tumne Class 9 mein examples dekhe the. Ministers government chalate hain, lekin unhe Parliament ya state assembly ko jawab dena padta hai. Members unse sawaal poochhte hain, aur Lok Sabha no confidence motion pass karke government hata sakti hai. Judges ko formally President appoint karte hain, jo executive ke head hain, phir bhi courts aise government order ya law ko radd kar sakte hain jo Constitution todta ho. Ek doosre par control ke is jaal ko checks and balances (नियंत्रण और संतुलन) kehte hain.

1.6.2 Alag-alag levels ki governments ke beech

Doosra form alag-alag levels ki governments ke beech power share karta hai: ek government poore desh ke liye aur baaki uske provinces ya regions ke liye. Poore desh ki government ko aam taur par federal government (संघीय सरकार) kehte hain; India mein hum ise Union ya Central Government kehte hain. Regional governments ke alag-alag countries mein alag naam hain: India aur USA mein states, Canada mein provinces, Germany mein Länder.

Kuch countries mein, khaas kar Singapore jaise chhote countries mein, provincial governments hoti hi nahi. Jahan kai levels hote hain, wahan constitution khud tay karta hai ki kaunsa level kaunse subjects sambhalega. Jaise India mein defence aur currency Union ke paas hain, jabki police aur agriculture states ke paas. Constitution se is tarah power baantna federal division of power hai. Belgium ne ise chuna; Sri Lanka ki governments ne ise thukra diya jab Tamil parties ne iski maang ki.

Yahi logic states se neeche bhi jaata hai, towns mein municipalities aur gaon mein panchayats tak. Government ke upar aur neeche ke levels ke beech kisi bhi sharing ko vertical division of power (सत्ता का ऊर्ध्वाधर वितरण) kehte hain (Fig. 1.7). Chapter 2 isi ke baare mein hai.

1.6.3 Social groups ke beech

Teesri tarah ki sharing social groups ke beech hoti hai: religion, language, caste ya gender se pehchani jaane wali communities. Belgium ki community governments yeh language groups ke liye karti hain. India yeh mainly reservation ke zariye karta hai. Tum Class 9 mein reserved constituencies (आरक्षित निर्वाचन क्षेत्र) se mil chuke ho: Lok Sabha mein 84 seats Scheduled Castes ke liye aur 47 Scheduled Tribes ke liye reserved hain. Inpar sirf un groups ke candidates hi chunaav lad sakte hain, halaanki constituency ka har voter vote deta hai (Fig. 1.8).

1992 ke 73rd aur 74th Amendments ke tahat, har panchayat aur municipality mein kam se kam ek-tihai seats women ke liye reserved hain. 2023 mein Parliament ne Constitution (106th Amendment) Act pass kiya, taaki Lok Sabha aur state assemblies mein ek-tihai seats women ke liye reserve ki jaayein. Yeh agle census aur uske baad hone wali constituencies ki nayi hadbandi ke baad laagu hoga.

Seats reserve hi kyun karein? Jis community ko peedhiyon tak faislon se bahar rakha gaya ho, use government kisi aur ki lag sakti hai. Guaranteed seats aise groups ko andar se awaaz deti hain aur minorities ko power mein zero ke bajaye ek fair hissa deti hain. Chapter 3, Gender, Religion and Caste, dekhta hai ki democracies aise differences ko kaise jagah deti hain.

1.6.4 Parties, pressure groups aur movements ke beech

Aakhri form kam formal hai. Yeh political parties, pressure groups aur movements ke zariye kaam karta hai, jo power ke liye compete karte hain ya jiske paas power hai uspar dabaav daalte hain. Election mein voters rival parties mein se chunte hain, aur aaj haarne wale agli baar jeet sakte hain. Kai elections mein power alag-alag ideas aur social groups ki baat karne wali parties ke beech haath badalti rehti hai, isliye koi bhi party use apni permanent property nahi maan sakti.

Kabhi-kabhi sharing seedhi hoti hai. Do ya zyada parties ek alliance banakar election lad sakti hain. Agar woh jeet jaati hain, to ek coalition government (गठबंधन सरकार) banati hain jismein ministries aapas mein baant leti hain (Fig. 1.9). 1989 se India ki Union government aksar coalition rahi hai, aur kai state governments bhi.

Power organised interests ke saath bhi share hoti hai. Farmers' unions, trade unions, chambers of commerce and industry, aur traders' associations government committees mein baithkar, ministers se milkar aur public campaigns chalakar faislon ko shape karne ki koshish karte hain. Aise pressure groups (दबाव समूह) elections nahi ladte, phir bhi govern karne walon par asar daalte hain. Movements bhi isi tarah governments par zor daal sakte hain: jaise right to information ke campaign ne 2005 ka Right to Information Act laane mein madad ki. Chapter 4, Political Parties, parties ko detail mein dekhta hai.