The Rise of Nationalism in Europe (Europe mein Nationalism ka Uday): Class 10 History Chapter 1 Hinglish mein

Nations ki duniya

Har Independence Day par poore India mein log ek hi tiranga lehraate hain aur ek hi anthem gaate hain, jabki woh kai languages bolte hain aur unki zindagi bilkul alag-alag hai. Unhe lagta hai ki woh ek nation ke hain. 1750 ke aas-paas Europe mein lagbhag koi aisa nahi sochta tha. Log kisi king ya emperor ki praja (subjects) the, aur unki loyalty kisi nation ke bajaye ek ruler aur ek region ke prati thi. Yeh chapter batata hai ki nineteenth century mein yeh kaise badla, aur is badlaav ne freedom aur war dono kyun laaye.

Shuru karne ka ek achha tareeka ek picture hai. 1848 mein French artist Frédéric Sorrieu ne chaar prints ka ek set publish kiya jismein future ka unka sapna tha: ek aisi duniya jahan har log khud par democratic aur social republic ki tarah raaj karein. Pehle print mein Europe aur America ke logon ka ek lamba julus statue of Liberty ke paas se guzarta dikhta hai. Ise ek puzzle ki tarah padho, to chaar clues saaf dikhte hain.

• Sabse aage kaun hai? United States aur Switzerland march ko lead kar rahe hain, statue se kaafi aage: 1848 tak woh pehle hi nation-states ban chuke the.
• Abhi-abhi kaun pahuncha hai? France, apna revolutionary tricolour liye, Liberty ke statue tak pahunch gaya hai. Statue ke haath mein ek torch hai, yaani reason ki roshni, aur Rights of Man ka charter.
• Kaun ummeed laga raha hai? German log kaale, laal aur sunehre flag ke saath peeche chal rahe hain, jabki 1848 mein koi united Germany thi hi nahi. Unka flag ek liberal ummeed ka symbol tha: democratic constitution ke under ek German nation-state. Unke peeche Austrians, Italians, Poles, English, Irish, Hungarians, Russians aur doosre log chal rahe hain.
• Kya toota pada hai? Saamne zameen par toote hue crowns, sceptres aur absolutist monarchy ke doosre emblems pade hain, aur upar baadalon se Christ, saints aur angels neeche dekh rahe hain, jo logon ke beech brotherhood ka sign hai.

Sorrieu ka print century ka bada badlaav pakadta hai: nationalism aur nation-state ka uday. Strong states nayi cheez nahi thi. Lambe samay se Europe mein aisi states thi jinmein ek central government ek saaf marked territory par supreme power rakhti thi. Naya tha yeh daava ki state ek nation ki honi chahiye: aise log jo mehsoos karte hain ki unki identity, history aur common descent ek hai, aur jo subjects nahi, citizens hain. Yeh feeling purani nahi thi. Ise banana pada, leaders aur aam logon ki koshishon se aur aksar struggle se.

To phir logon ke ek group ko nation kya banata hai? 1882 mein French thinker Ernest Renan ne Paris ki Sorbonne mein bilkul isi sawaal par ek famous lecture diya.

1 French Revolution aur Nation ka Idea

1789 se pehle Brittany ke ek peasant aur Marseille ke ek merchant mein unke king ke alawa kuch khaas common nahi tha. Woh alag dialects bolte the, alag local laws maante the aur alag tolls dete the. France pehle se ek bada territorial state tha, lekin woh ek absolute monarch ka tha. 1789 ki Revolution ne maalik badal diya. Usne declare kiya ki sovereignty, yaani state ki final authority, citizens ki hai. Ab koi royal family nahi, balki log hi nation the aur apne future ke maalik the.

Yeh declare karna aasaan tha; logon ko yeh mehsoos karwana mushkil tha. Isliye revolutionaries ne lagbhag turant ek common French identity banana shuru kiya. Unke tools dekhne ke liye Fig. 1.2 play karo, jo chaar tarah ke groups mein hain.

• Ideas. La patrie (पितृभूमि, fatherland) aur le citoyen (citizen) jaise shabdon ne ek aisi community par zor diya jiske members ko constitution ke under equal rights mile the.
• Symbols. Ek naye tricolour flag ne purane royal standard ki jagah li. Patriotic gaane likhe gaye (unmein se ek, 1792 ka La Marseillaise, aaj France ka anthem hai), public mein oaths li gayi aur Revolution ke martyrs ko sammaan diya gaya, sab kuch nation ke naam par.
• Institutions aur ek system. Purani Estates-General ko ek elected National Assembly mein badal diya gaya. Ek centralised administration ne har citizen ke liye same laws banaye, internal customs duties aur dues khatam kiye, aur weights and measures ka ek system (metric system) apnaya.
• Language. Parisian French ko poore nation ki standard language banaya gaya, aur regional dialects ko discourage kiya gaya.

Revolutionaries ne France ko videsh mein bhi ek mission diya. Unka kehna tha ki France ka farz hai ki woh Europe ke logon ko tyrants se azaad kare aur unhe bhi nations banne mein madad kare.

1790s ki revolutionary wars ke dauraan French armies Holland, Belgium, Switzerland aur Italy ke bade hisse mein ghusi, aur apne saath nation ka idea bhi le gayi. Aksar unhe wahan dost intezaar karte mile. Paris ki khabron se inspire hokar kai European cities mein students aur padhe-likhe middle-class logon ne apne Jacobin clubs bana liye the, aur unke campaigns ne zameen pehle se taiyaar kar di thi.

Napoleon ke reforms aur Europe ne unhe kaise dekha

Napoleon Bonaparte ne 1799 mein power haath mein li aur 1804 mein khud ko emperor bana liya. Political taur par yeh ek kadam peeche tha: monarchy laut aayi aur France mein democracy khatam ho gayi. Lekin administration mein unhone revolutionary principles ko aage badhaya, kyunki ek rational aur efficient system unki state ko aur strong banata tha. Phir woh in reforms ko un ilaakon mein le gaye jo unki armies ne jeete.

• 1804 ka Civil Code, jise aam taur par Napoleonic Code kehte hain, ne noble janm se milne wale privileges khatam kar diye, saare mardon ko law ke saamne equal banaya aur property ke right ko protect kiya. French officials ne ise un ilaakon mein laagu kiya jin par France raaj karta tha.
• Dutch Republic, Switzerland, Italy aur Germany mein local government ko simple units mein reorganise kiya gaya, feudalism khatam kar diya gaya, aur peasants ko ab serfs ki tarah kaam nahi karna padta tha ya apne lords ko dues nahi dene padte the.
• Towns mein guilds ki yeh decide karne ki power chali gayi ki kaun koi trade kar sakta hai.
• Har jagah roads, postal services aur doosre communications behtar hue.

Kai groups ko fayda hua. Peasants, artisans, workers aur naye businessmen pehle se zyada free the. Traders aur chhote manufacturers ne kuch aur bhi notice kiya: jahan ek law, weights and measures ka ek system aur ek currency thi, wahan business behtar chalta tha. Yahi sabak aage chalkar unhe national unity ka champion banayega (Section 2.2 dekho).

French rule ke baare mein logon ki feelings samay ke saath badli. Shuru mein Holland aur Switzerland mein, aur Brussels, Mainz, Milan aur Warsaw jaise shehron mein, kai logon ne French troops ka liberators ki tarah swagat kiya. Phir bill aaya. Logon ne zyada taxes diye, censored newspapers padhe aur dekha ki unke beton ko zabardasti French armies mein bharti karke poore Europe mein Napoleon ki wars ladne bheja gaya, aur phir bhi unke paas koi political freedom nahi thi. Kai logon ke liye kharche reforms se bhaari pad gaye, jaisa Fig. 1.3 dikhata hai.

2 Europe mein Nationalism ka Banna

Mid-eighteenth century ka Europe ka map dekho, to tumhe aaj jaisi ek bhi nation-state nahi milegi. Jin ilaakon ko hum aaj Germany, Italy aur Switzerland kehte hain, woh kingdoms, duchies aur cantons mein bante hue the, aur har ruler ki apni territory thi. Eastern aur central Europe par autocratic monarchs raaj karte the, jinki praja aksar alag languages bolti thi, alag ethnic groups ki thi aur koi common culture mehsoos nahi karti thi.

Vienna se chalne wala Habsburg Empire dikhata hai ki aisi state kitni mili-juli ho sakti thi. Usmein teen groups haavi the: German bolne wale, jo Alpine ilaakon (Tyrol, Austria, Sudetenland) aur Bohemia ki nobility the; Magyar bolne wale, jo Hungary ke lagbhag aadhe log the, jahan baaki log tarah-tarah ki dialects bolte the; aur Galicia ke Polish bolne wale nobles. Empire mein Lombardy aur Venetia bhi the, jahan ke log Italian bolte the. In haavi groups ke neeche peasant logon ka ek bada samooh rehta tha, jinmein Carniola ke Slovenes, south mein Croats, east mein Transylvania ke Roumans (Romanians), aur north mein Bohemians aur Slovaks the. Fig. 1.4 play karo: aise empire ko kya jode rakhta tha?

Aise differences se political unity aasaani se nahi banti thi. To phir nationalism aur nation-states ka sapna kahan se aaya? Iska answer dhoondhne ke liye humein dekhna hoga ki European society mein power kiske paas thi aur kaun unhe challenge karne ke liye ubhar raha tha.

2.1 Aristocracy aur Naya Middle Class

Continent par society mein sabse upar ek chhoti landed aristocracy thi, jiske paas social aur political dono power thi. Iske members ek region se doosre region tak hairaani ki had tak ek jaisa jeevan jeete the. Unse bahut neeche, aur sankhya mein kahin zyada, peasants the. Neeche ka comparison batata hai ki kaun kaun tha.

Nobles ko challenge towns se mila. Jahan bhi industry aur trade badhe, west mein aur central Europe ke kuch hisson mein, wahan towns phaile aur ek commercial class saamne aayi jo market ke liye cheezein banakar kamaati thi. Factories ne ek working class banayi. Unhone industrialists aur businessmen ke middle classes bhi banaye, jinke saath lawyers, doctors aur teachers jaise professionals jud gaye. England late eighteenth century se aage tha; France aur German states ke kuch hisse nineteenth century mein peeche aaye, jabki central aur eastern Europe mein yeh naye groups century ke aakhir tak chhote hi rahe. Inke padhe-likhe, liberal members hi do jude hue goals ki taraf sabse zyada aakarshit the: aristocratic privilege khatam karna aur nation ko unite karna.

2.2 Liberal Nationalism kis cheez ke liye tha?

Early nineteenth century mein national unity ki maang liberalism naam ke ideas ke ek set ke saath-saath chali. Yeh shabd Latin liber se aaya hai, jiska matlab hai free.

• Freedom aur equality: individual ke liye freedom aur sabke liye same law.
• Consent se government: rulers ko un logon ki sahmati se raaj karna chahiye jin par woh raaj karte hain.
• Autocracy nahi: sab kuch kar sakne wale monarch ke raaj aur clergy ke special privileges ka ant.
• Constitution aur parliament: ek likha hua constitution aur elected parliament ke zariye representative government.
• Property: private property ko protect karna zaroori hai aur use cheena nahi ja sakta.

Kya law ke saamne equality ka matlab tha ki har koi vote de sakta tha? Zyadatar liberals ke liye nahi. France ko dekho, jo liberal democracy ka pehla experiment tha:

Isiliye Revolution ke baad ek century se zyada samay tak auratein aur bina property wale mard barabar political rights ke liye campaign karte rahe, jismein suffrage, yaani vote ka right, bhi tha.

Economics mein liberals free markets chahte the: state ko goods aur capital ki movement nahi rokni chahiye. Badhte middle classes ke liye yeh ek badi maang thi, aur German ilaake dikhate hain kyun. Napoleon ne sainkdon chhoti German territories khatam kar di thi, aur 1815 ke baad ek dheeli confederation mein 39 German states thi. Har ek ki apni currency, apne weights and measures aur apni customs posts thi. German territory ke aar-paar gaadi bhar maal le jaane wale trader ko baar-baar rukkar duty deni padti thi, jo aksar weight ya size ke hisaab se lagti thi, aur phir local units ke beech convert karna padta tha. Yahan tak ki elle, jo kapde ka ek naap tha, alag towns mein alag length ka hota tha.

Koi hairaani nahi ki naye commercial classes ek economic territory chahte the, jiske andar koi barrier na ho, jahan goods, log aur paisa free hokar chal sakein. Yeh problem khud mehsoos karne ke liye Fig. 1.5 mein toll-post model try karo.

Prussia ne pehal ki. 1834 mein usne zyadatar German states ko ek Zollverein (German mein 'customs union') mein jod diya. Union ke andar goods bina tariffs ke state lines paar karte the, aur thirty se zyada currencies ka jhamela ghatkar do reh gaya. Late 1830s se tezi se phailti railways ne travel aur trade ko aur bhi tez bana diya. Jab traders ka profit ek bade German market par tika, to economic interest political unity ka argument ban gaya. Is economic nationalism ne us samay ki wider national feeling ko aur badhaya.

2.3 1815 ke baad ek Naya Conservatism

1815 mein Napoleon ki aakhri haar ne poore Europe mein conservatives ko power mein la diya. Unhone Napoleon se ek hairaan karne wala sabak seekha tha: modern tareeke king ko kamzor karne ke bajaye strong bhi bana sakte hain. Ek modern army, efficient bureaucracy, chalti hui economy aur feudalism aur serfdom ka ant, in sabne ek autocratic state ko zyada effective banaya. Isliye zyadatar conservatives ne 1789 se pehle wali duniya dobara banane ki koshish nahi ki. Woh state aur society ke purane pillars ko bachate the: monarchy, Church, society ke ranks, property aur family.

Napoleon ke baad Europe ka future kaun tay karega? Jin chaar powers ne milkar unhe haraya tha (Britain, Russia, Prussia aur Austria), unhone 1814–15 mein Vienna mein ek congress mein delegates bheje, jiski mezbaani Austrian statesman Klemens von Metternich ne ki.11Congress ke dauraan Metternich Austria ke foreign minister the aur 1821 mein uske chancellor bane. Textbook unhe Austrian Chancellor, Duke Metternich kehti hai. Unka maqsad, jo 1815 ki Treaty of Vienna mein likha gaya, Napoleonic wars se aaye zyadatar badlaavon ko palatna tha. Main decisions dekhne ke liye Fig. 1.6 play karo.

Saath milakar dekho to in decisions ka ek hi maqsad tha: Napoleon ne jin monarchs ko hataya tha unhe wapas lana aur Europe mein ek naya conservative order banana.

Naye autocratic regimes ne control kaise banaye rakha? Mainly critics ki awaaz dabaakar. Ruler ki kisi bhi aalochana ko uske raaj karne ke right par hamla maana jaata tha. Newspapers, books, plays aur yahan tak ki gaanon par bhi censorship thi, khaaskar har us cheez par jo 1789 ki liberty aur freedom ki yaad dilaati thi. Phir bhi liberals Revolution ko nahi bhoole, aur free press naye order ka virodh karne wale liberal-nationalists ki sabse zor-daar maangon mein se ek ban gayi.

2.4 Revolutionaries

Censors aur police ki nazar mein khulkar campaign karna khatarnaak tha, isliye kai liberal-nationalists underground chale gaye. Poore Europe mein secret societies ne jawaan revolutionaries ko train kiya aur chhupkar apne ideas phailaye. Unka dushman Vienna mein bana order tha: woh restored monarchies ko giraakar liberty jeetna chahte the, aur zyadatar maante the ki freedom tabhi poori hogi jab har log ki apni nation-state hogi.

Inmein sabse famous Italian Giuseppe Mazzini the, jo 1805 mein Genoa mein paida hue. Jawaani mein woh Carbonari naam ki ek secret revolutionary society mein shaamil hue, aur 1831 mein Liguria mein vidroh ki saazish ke liye unhe exile mein jaana pada. Aage chalkar unhone do aur underground societies banayi: Marseilles mein Young Italy, aur baad mein Berne mein Young Europe, jismein Poland, France, Italy aur German states ke jawaan radicals jude.22Us samay ka ek print Young Europe ki sthapna 1833 ki batata hai (textbook ke picture caption wali date); iska founding pact April 1834 mein Berne mein sign hua tha.

Mazzini ke liye nations God ke plan ka hissa the: har log ko apni natural unit banani thi. Chhoti states aur kingdoms mein bata Italy is plan ke khilaaf tha. Use ek single republic banna tha, jo nations ki ek badi brotherhood mein juda ho, kyunki sirf unity hi Italians ko free kar sakti thi. Unki misaal ne Germany, France, Switzerland aur Poland mein secret societies ko inspire kiya. Conservatives unse darte the, kyunki woh har jagah kings par hamla karte the aur democratic republics ka prachaar karte the; Metternich ne unhe social order ka sabse khatarnaak dushman kaha.

3 Revolutions ka Daur: 1830–1848

In saalon ki revolutions ko kisne lead kiya? Peasants ya factory workers ne nahi, balki padhe-likhe middle-class elite ne: professors aur schoolteachers, clerks, aur merchants aur business class ke doosre log. Jaise-jaise conservative governments ne apni pakad kasi, yeh liberal-nationalists Italian aur German states, Ottoman Empire ke provinces, Ireland aur Poland mein revolution ki taraf mude.

Pehla vaar France ne kiya. July 1830 mein wahan ke liberal revolutionaries ne Charles X ko hata diya, jo 1815 ke baad wapas laayi gayi Bourbon dynasty ke king the, aur Louis Philippe ko constitutional monarch ki tarah throne par bithaya. Kuch hi hafton mein Brussels bhi uth khada hua, aur Belgium Vienna settlement se bane United Kingdom of the Netherlands se alag ho gaya. Koi hairaani nahi ki Metternich ne kaha bataya jaata hai:

Ek struggle ne poore Europe ke padhe-likhe logon ko jhakjhor diya: Greek war of independence. Ottoman Empire ke ek kone mein hui war Paris aur London mein itni important kyun thi? Kuch had tak isliye ki Europeans Greece ko kaise dekhte the. Poets aur artists use European civilisation ka paalna kehte the, uski ancient culture ki tareef karte the aur ek Muslim empire ke khilaaf uski ladaai ke peeche public opinion ko khada karte the. Exile mein rehne wale Greeks ne madad bheji, aur kai West Europeans ne bhi. English poet Lord Byron ne paisa ikattha kiya aur khud ladne gaye.

3.1 Romantic Imagination aur National Feeling

Socho ki ek patriotic gaana ya kavita tumhe facts ke ek poore page se zyada kaise chhoo sakti hai. Nineteenth century ke nationalists yeh achhe se samajhte the: wars aur treaties ke saath-saath culture ne bhi national feeling ko shape diya. Romantics, yaani early nineteenth century ke artists aur writers, Enlightenment ke thande reason aur science par bharose ko shak ki nazar se dekhte the. Unke liye feelings, intuition aur mystery ka ehsaas zyada maayne rakhte the. Sabse badhkar woh past ki taraf dekhte the: unka maanna tha ki nation ek common heritage se ugta hai jise uske log saath milkar mehsoos kar sakein.

French Romantic painter Eugène Delacroix ne The Massacre at Chios (1824) mein Greek cause uthaya, jo 1822 mein Chios island par Greek logon ki hatya ke baare mein ek vishaal canvas hai. Unhone battle paint nahi ki. Unhone uske shikaar paint kiye: thake hue, ghayal parivaar, saamne maayein aur bachche, ek Ottoman ghudsawaar ke neeche bebas. Gehre, chatak rang nazar ko unki takleef ki taraf kheenchte hain. Paris ke darshak ko daya aur gussa mehsoos karna tha, aur Greeks ka saath dena tha.

Kisi nation ki aatma kahan dhoondhni chahiye? German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) ne kaha, mahalon mein nahi, balki aam gaon ke logon, das Volk, ke beech. Unke gaane, kavitayein aur naach Volksgeist, yaani nation ki spirit, ko sambhaalte the. Us folk culture ko mitne se pehle record karna ek patriotic farz ban gaya.

Folk tales aur vernacular, yaani roz boli jaane wali language, ka ek practical use bhi tha. Jise log ek purani national spirit maante the use phir se jagaane ke alawa, yeh un logon tak pahunch sakte the jo padh nahi sakte the. Bahut kam log pamphlet padh sakte the, lekin lagbhag koi bhi apni boli mein kahani sun sakta tha ya gaana ga sakta tha.

Poland sabse saaf misaal hai. 1772 aur 1795 ke beech, teen stages mein, Russia, Prussia aur Austria ne Poland ko aapas mein baant liya, yahan tak ki koi Polish state bachi hi nahi. Jo bacha woh tha apne music aur apni language wala ek log. Composer Karol Kurpiński ke operas aur music ne national struggle ka jashn manaya, aur polonaise aur mazurka, jo kabhi sirf folk dances the, nation ke symbols ban gaye.

Language ek ladaai ka maidan ban gayi. Russian rule mein Polish ko schools se bahar kar diya gaya aur uski jagah Russian thop di gayi. 1831 mein Russia ke khilaaf ek armed vidroh kuchle jaane ke baad, kai Polish priests ne jawaab mein church gatherings ki aur religion sirf Polish mein padhaaya. Russian mein upadesh dene se mana karne par kai priests aur bishops jail mein daale gaye ya Siberia exile kiye gaye. Polish bolna Russian rule ke khilaaf virodh ka kaam ban gaya. Fig. 1.8 teeno raaston ka saar deta hai.

3.2 Bhookh, Mushkilein aur Janta ka Vidroh

1830s Europe mein bahut mushkil ke saal the. Teen dabaav ek saath aaye:

• Log zyada, naukriyan kam. Century ke pehle aadhe hisse mein population bahut zyada badhi. Naukri dhoondhne wale naukriyon se zyada the, aur gaon se log shehron mein umad pade, jahan woh slums mein thus-thus kar rehne lage.
• Machines se competition. Towns ke chhote producers England se import kiye gaye saste machine-made goods ka muqabla nahi kar paate the, kyunki England pehle industrialise ho chuka tha. Sabse bura haal kapde ka tha, kyunki continent par yeh abhi bhi zyadatar gharon mein ya kam machines wale chhote workshops mein banta tha.
• Gaon mein purane bojh. Jahan nobles ke paas abhi bhi power thi, wahan peasants feudal dues aur obligations ke bojh tale pis rahe the.

Isme khaane ki keemat mein achaanak uchaal ya ek kharab fasal jod do, to garibi town aur gaon mein tezi se phail jaati thi. 1848 aisa hi ek saal tha. Paris mein bhookh aur berozgaari ne bheed ko sadkon par utaar diya; unhone barricades khade kiye, aur Louis Philippe desh chhodkar bhaag gaye. Nayi National Assembly ne France ko phir se republic bana diya. Ab 21 saal ya usse zyada umar ka har mard vote de sakta tha, kaam ke right ki guarantee di gayi, aur berozgaaron ko kaam dene ke liye national workshops khole gaye.

3.3 1848: Liberals ki Revolution

1848 mein ek nahi, do revolutions aayi. Bhookhe logon ke vidroh ke saath-saath padhe-likhe middle classes ki ek revolution bhi chali. France mein yeh February mein hi jeet chuki thi: king ne gaddi chhod di aur sabhi mardon ke vote ke saath republic ghoshit hua. Jahan abhi tak nation-state nahi thi, yaani Germany, Italy, Poland aur Austro-Hungarian Empire mein, wahan liberal mardon aur auraton ka do-hissa programme tha: ek constitution aur national unity. Garibon ki ashanti ne unhe dono ke liye zor lagane ka mauka diya.

German ilaakon mein middle-class professionals, businessmen aur khushhaal artisans ke political associations Frankfurt mein mile aur poore Germany ke liye ek National Assembly chunne ka faisla kiya. Yeh 18 May 1848 ko khuli, jab sainkdon elected deputies ek utsav jaise julus mein Frankfurt ke Church of St Paul tak paidal gaye.44Textbook deputies ki sankhya 831 batati hai. Ginti alag-alag hai, kyunki assembly ke dauraan members aate-jaate rahe. Aage kya hua, yeh Fig. 1.9 mein dekho.

Yeh kyun giri? Dekho iske khilaaf kaun khada tha aur iska bachaav karne ke liye kaun bacha tha. Iske khilaaf ek king tha jo elected assembly se crown nahi lena chahta tha, aur doosre monarchs, nobles aur generals jinka confidence laut raha tha. Iske paksh mein lagbhag koi nahi tha. Iske middle-class deputies ne workers aur artisans ki maangon ko andekha kar diya tha, isliye in groups ke paas ise bachane ki koi wajah nahi thi. Jab troops bheje gaye, to assembly ko bikharna pada.

Figure mein gallery ko phir se dekho. Wahan ki auraton ne hall mein jagah kamaayi thi: saalon tak unhone apne political clubs chalaye, newspapers shuru kiye, aur liberal meetings mein march kiya aur bhaashan diye. Phir bhi Assembly ke elections mein unka koi vote nahi tha, aur St Paul's Church ke andar woh sirf dekh sakti thi. Liberal movement ke andar auraton ke political rights ka mudda bahut kadwahat se baantne wala tha, jaisa us samay ki teen awaazein dikhati hain.

To kya 1848 ne kuch haasil nahi kiya? Aisa bhi nahi. Purana order seedhe wapas nahi laaya ja sakta tha. Kings ne seekha tha ki ek vidroh kuchalne se bas agla vidroh taiyaar hota hai, aur kuch reforms shanti ki keemat hain. Isliye central aur eastern Europe ki autocracies ne ab woh badlaav apnaye jo west 1815 se pehle kar chuka tha: Habsburg ilaakon mein (1848) aur Russia mein (1861) serfdom aur bonded labour khatam hue, aur 1867 mein Habsburgs ne Hungarians ko kaafi had tak self-rule diya.

4 Germany aur Italy ka Banna

1848 ke baad Europe mein nationalism democracy aur revolution se alag ho gaya. Conservative statesmen ne national feeling ko apne maqsad ke liye use karna seekh liya: state ki power badhane aur Europe par haavi hone ke liye. Germany aur Italy ka aakhirkaar unification jis tarah hua, woh yeh saaf dikhata hai.

4.1 Germany – Kya Army ek Nation ki Architect ban sakti hai?

Frankfurt ki naakaami ne ek kadwa sabak sikhaya: German unity parliaments se nahi aayegi. Monarchy aur army ne, Prussia ke bade zamindaaron yaani Junkers ke support se, 1848 ki liberal koshish ko kuchal diya tha. Ab national cause ki leadership khud Prussia ke paas aa gayi, aur us aadmi ke paas jo 1862 mein uska chief minister bana, Otto von Bismarck. Unhone Prussian army aur bureaucracy se Germany banaya, jaisa unke sabse famous shabdon ne vaada kiya tha.

1864 aur 1871 ke beech Prussia ne teen wars ladi aur jeeti, Denmark, Austria aur France ke khilaaf, aur har jeet ne aur German states ko uske control mein la diya. Nayi state ko banta dekhne ke liye Fig. 1.10 play karo.

Naya empire dushman ki zameen par paida hua. 18 January 1871 ko, jab France ke khilaaf war abhi khatam bhi nahi hui thi, Prussia ke King William I ko Paris ke paas Palace of Versailles ke Hall of Mirrors mein Germany ka Kaiser (emperor) ghoshit kiya gaya. Wahan maujood log German princes, army officers aur Prussian ministers the, jinmein Bismarck bhi the; logon ka koi elected representative shaamil nahi tha. French kings ke mahal mein yeh ceremony karna France ka jaan-boojhkar kiya gaya apmaan tha.

Naye Germany par Prussia haavi tha. Uska king emperor tha aur uska chief minister imperial chancellor bana. Jaise-jaise empire ne Germany ki currency, banking, laws aur courts ko modern banaya, Prussia ke tareeke aksar baaki desh ke liye model ban gaye.

4.2 Italy ka Unification

Italy ki problem Germany jaisi dikhti thi: ek log kai dynastic states mein bante hue, aur uska ek hissa multi-national Habsburg Empire ke raaj mein. Ek standard Italian language bhi nahi thi, bas kai regional roop the. Unification se theek pehle, 1858 mein, saat states thi:

1830s mein Mazzini ne Young Italy ke zariye ek single Italian republic ka apna plan phailaya, lekin 1831 aur phir 1848 ke revolutionary vidroh fail ho gaye. Phir leadership ek monarchy ke paas chali gayi: Sardinia-Piedmont, jiske king Victor Emmanuel II Italy ko war se unite karna chahte the. Piedmont ki ruling class ke apne reasons the, kyunki united Italy unhe economic growth aur political dominance deta.

Yeh kaam teen bilkul alag aadmiyon ne kiya. Count Camillo di Cavour, Piedmont ke chief minister, ek saavdhaan aristocrat the, na revolutionary, na democrat; kai ameer, padhe-likhe Italians ki tarah woh Italian se zyada French mein sahaj the. Unka hathiyaar diplomacy tha: unhone France ko ally banaya, aur 1859 mein dono ki milkar armies ne Austria ko haraya. Giuseppe Garibaldi armed volunteers laaye, jo 1859 mein regular troops ke saath lade; 1860 mein woh unhe south le gaye, Kingdom of the Two Sicilies ke peasants ko apni taraf kiya aur wahan ke Bourbon kings ko bhaga diya. Victor Emmanuel II ko inaam mila: 1861 mein unhe united Italy ka king ghoshit kiya gaya. Fig. 1.11 play karo.

Ab Italy ka ek kingdom tha, lekin kya Italians the? Zyadatar log padh nahi sakte the, aur liberal-nationalist ideas unke liye kuch maayne nahi rakhte the. South mein jin peasants ne Garibaldi ke liye taaliyan bajaayi thi, unhone aksar Italia shabd kabhi suna hi nahi tha. Piedmont ke ek statesman ne baaki bache kaam ko ek line mein kaha:

4.3 Britain ka Ajeeb Case

Britain ko kabhi-kabhi model nation-state ki tarah pesh kiya jaata hai. Lekin uski kahani mein na barricades hain, na Frankfurt parliament, na Bismarck. 1650 mein in islands par rehne wale kisi insaan se poochte ki woh kaun hai, to woh English, Welsh, Scottish ya Irish kehta, British kabhi nahi. In har ek ethnic group ki apni culture aur political traditions thi. Ek British nation dheere-dheere, ek century se zyada mein bana, aur woh England ke ird-gird bana.

England ki badhti daulat aur power ne use apne padosiyon par asar badhane diya. Uska main tool uski parliament thi, jisne lambe struggle ke baad 1688 mein monarchy par supremacy haasil ki thi. Steps dekhne ke liye Fig. 1.12 play karo.

Scotland aur Ireland ne union ki bhaari keemat chukaayi:

• Scotland (1707). Act of Union ne United Kingdom of Great Britain banaya. Kaagaz par yeh ek union tha; asal mein nayi parliament mein English members haavi the, aur England ka asar chala. Ek British identity Scotland ki apni culture aur institutions ki keemat par badhi. Jab Highlands ke Catholic clans apni independence jataane ke liye uthe, to unhe badi berehmi se kuchal diya gaya. Phir Highlanders par Gaelic bolne ya apni traditional dress pehenne par ban laga diya gaya, aur kai logon ko zabardasti unki zameen se nikaal diya gaya.
• Ireland (1801). English ne zyadatar Catholic desh par raaj karne mein Ireland ke Protestants ka saath diya, aur Catholic vidrohon ko kuchal diya. 1798 mein Wolfe Tone ki United Irishmen British rule ke khilaaf uthi aur fail hui. Teen saal baad Ireland ko zabardasti United Kingdom ka hissa bana diya gaya.

Naye nation ko jo cheez jode rakhti thi woh thi English culture, jise British bata kar pesh kiya gaya. Iske symbols ko zor-shor se phailaya gaya. 1801 ke Union Jack ne St George (England), St Andrew (Scotland) aur St Patrick (Ireland) ke crosses ko milaya, Wales ke liye kuch nahi; God Save the King national anthem bana; aur English ne Gaelic aur Welsh ko kinare kar diya. Scotland, Wales aur Ireland sirf junior partners ki tarah bache rahe.

5 Nation ko Picture Karna

India mein tumne Bharat Mata dekhi hogi, jismein nation ko ek maa ke roop mein dikhaya jaata hai; agla chapter unki kahani batata hai. Eighteenth aur nineteenth century ke European artists ne bhi yahi idea use kiya. King ko uske portrait se dikhaya ja sakta hai, lekin nation ek idea hai, jiska apna koi chehra nahi. Isliye artists ne use personify kiya: unhone desh ko ek insaani roop diya, aam taur par ek aurat ka. Woh koi asli aurat nahi thi. Usne ek abstract idea ko aisi cheez bana diya jise log dekh sakein, pehchaan sakein aur pyaar kar sakein. Aisi figure ek allegory hoti hai.

Yeh idea naya nahi tha. French revolutionary artists ne Liberty, Justice aur Republic ko auraton ki tarah dikhaya tha, jinhe unki cheezon se pehchaana jaata tha, bilkul waise hi jaise Indian images mein kisi devi ko uske haath ki cheezon se pehchaana jaata hai. Liberty ko tum uski laal topi ya tooti zanjeer se pehchaan sakte the; Justice ki aankhon par patti hoti thi aur haath mein taraazu hota tha. Nineteenth century ke artists ne yahi tareeka poore nations par lagaaya.

1848 mein painter Philipp Veit ne ek cotton banner par ek badi Germania banayi, jo Frankfurt ke Church of St Paul mein, jahan parliament baithti thi, deputies ke upar oonchaai par latakni thi. Woh seedhi aur shaant khadi hai. Jo bhi cheez woh uthaye hai ya pehne hai, woh ek symbol hai, aur sab milkar yeh argument banate hain ki naya Germany kaisa hona chahiye. Unhe ek-ek karke decode karne ke liye Fig. 1.13 use karo.

6 Nationalism aur Imperialism

1848 ke Sorrieu ke print ko, jismein nations ka dosti bhara julus hai, tees saal baad ke Europe se compare karo. Century ki shuruaat ki udaar, liberal-democratic ummeedein feeki pad gayi thi. Unki jagah ek narrow nationalism aaya jo sirf apne nation ke interests ki parwaah karta tha, padosiyon par bharosa nahi karta tha aur jhat se hathiyaar uthane ko taiyaar rehta tha. Is beech great powers ne Europe ke dabe hue logon ki national ummeedon ko apni imperialist ambitions ke liye istemaal kiya.

1871 ke baad Europe ka sabse khatarnaak ilaaka south-east mein tha: Balkans, jahan tarah-tarah ke landscapes aur kai ethnic groups the. Ismein aaj ke Greece, Albania, North Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia aur Slovenia aate hain. Iske kai log Slavs the, aur textbook is region ke logon ko mote taur par Slavs kehti hai. Balkans ke bade hisse par Ottoman Empire ka raaj tha. Yeh itna explosive kyun bana? Chaar forces ne milkar kaam kiya.

• Ek beemar empire. Ottoman state ne poori century khud ko modern banane aur reform karne ki koshish ki, aur zyadatar fail rahi. Uski European praja ek ke baad ek khisakti gayi, aur har ek ne independence declare kar di.
• History ek hathiyaar ki tarah. Romantic nationalism ne har Balkan log ko sikhaya ki apne daavon ko nationality par tikaayein. Har ek ne us past ki taraf ishara kiya jab woh free tha, videshi conquerors ke aane se pehle, isliye uske rebels ko laga ki woh bahut pehle khoyi hui freedom wapas le rahe hain.
• Bagal mein rivals. Naye Balkan states ek doosre se jalte aur darte the, aur har ek apne padosiyon ki keemat par badhna chahta tha.
• Great powers ki hode. Russia, Germany, Britain aur Austria-Hungary pehle se trade, colonies aur naval aur military strength ke liye hode mein the. Balkans mein har ek ne doosron ka asar rokne aur apna badhane ki koshish ki.

Nateeja tha Balkan wars ki ek kadi, aur phir ek world war. Chingaari Bosnia ki capital Sarajevo mein 28 June 1914 ko lagi, jab ek jawaan Bosnian Serb nationalist ne Austro-Hungarian throne ke waaris Archduke Franz Ferdinand ko goli maar di. Kuch hi hafton mein great powers war mein thi. Imperialism se juda nationalism Europe ko tabaahi tak le aaya tha.

Europe ke empires ne apne ant ke beej bhi bo diye. Nineteenth century mein jin ilaakon ko unhone colony banaya tha, wahan log videshi raaj ka virodh karne lage. Unke movements bhi nationalist the: unka goal independent nation-states the, aur imperial rule se ladne ke anubhav ne hi unhe ek log hone ka ehsaas diya. Har movement ne Europe ki nakal karne ke bajaye apni tarah ka nationalism develop kiya. Phir bhi twentieth century tak lagbhag sab maan chuke the ki duniya nation-states mein bati honi chahiye. India ka freedom struggle, jo agle chapter ka vishay hai, aisi hi ek kahani hai.