Nationalism in India: Class 10 History Chapter 2 Hinglish mein

1920 ke chaar Indians ki kalpana karo: Bombay ka ek lawyer, Awadh ka ek tenant farmer, Assam ke tea garden ka ek worker aur Lahore ka ek college student. Woh alag-alag bhashayein bolte the, alag-alag tareeke se prarthana karte the aur bilkul alag cheezon ki fikr karte the. Kuch hi mahino mein unke jaise bahut se log ek hi pukaar ka jawab de rahe the aur ek jaise slogans laga rahe the. Itne alag-alag log ek nation ka hissa kaise mehsoos karne lage?

Unmein jo cheez common thi, woh tha ek ruler. Chapter 1 mein tumne dekha ki Europe mein nationalism (राष्ट्रवाद) nation-states ke banne ke saath-saath badha. India mein, zyadatar colonies ki tarah, yeh foreign rule ke khilaaf ladai se paida hua: bahar walon ka raaj itne alag logon ko ek saath khade hone ki wajah de raha tha. Lekin lawyer, farmer, tea worker aur student ko colonialism se ek jaisi chot nahi lagi thi, isliye woh ek jaisi azaadi ke sapne nahi dekhte the. Mahatma Gandhi aur Indian National Congress ne unki ummeedon ko ek movement mein bunne ki koshish ki, aur yeh bunaai kabhi jhagdon se khaali nahi rahi.

Yeh chapter lagbhag pandrah saal, 1919 se 1934 tak, cover karta hai, aur 1942 ke Quit India par ek chhoti nazar daalta hai. Iske centre mein Gandhiji ke neeche chale do bade campaigns hain: Non-Cooperation (1921–22) aur Civil Disobedience (1930–34). Padhte hue teen cheezon par dhyaan do. Congress ne mass movement banane ke liye kaun se tareeke apnaye? Har group kyun juda ya kyun peeche raha? Aur songs, pictures, kahaniyon aur flags ne nation ko asli jaisa kaise mehsoos karaya?

2.1 First World War, Khilafat aur Non-Cooperation

1919 ke baad kuch badal gaya. Tab tak national movement ko zyadatar shehron ke padhe-likhe log lead kar rahe the. Do-ek saal mein hi woh gaanvon, jungle aur tea gardens tak pahunch raha tha, aur aise tareeke use kar raha tha jo itne bade level par kisi ne try nahi kiye the. Kyun? Kahani us war se shuru hoti hai jo November 1918 mein khatam hua.

1918 mein Punjab ke ek gaanv ke kisan parivaar ki kalpana karo. Unke sabse bade bete ko ek recruiter ne zabardasti army mein bhar liya hai, jise apna quota poora karna tha. Kapde se lekar namak tak, jo kuch woh khareedte hain, sab 1913 se lagbhag dugna mehnga hai. Fasal kharab ho gayi hai, aur desh bhar mein phail raha influenza unki gali tak aa pahuncha hai. Laakhon Indian parivaaron ne kisi na kisi roop mein yahi jhela.

In mushkilon ke peeche First World War (1914–18) tha. Colonial government ka defence kharcha bahut badh gaya, aur usne yeh paisa war loans aur bhaari taxes se jutaya: zyada customs duties aur incomes par naye taxes. Gaanvon se soldiers ki forced recruitment (जबरन भर्ती) ne gehra gussa paida kiya, khaaskar Punjab mein. Phir fasalein do baar fail huin, 1918–19 mein aur phir 1920–21 mein, jisse khaane ki kami ho gayi, aur saath hi 1918 ki influenza pandemic poore India mein phail gayi. 1921 ke Census ke anusaar famine aur epidemic ne milkar 12 se 13 million logon ki jaan li. Bahut logon ko ummeed thi ki peace aane se raahat milegi. Aisa nahi hua, aur isi maahaul mein ek naya leader ladne ka naya tareeka lekar aaya (Fig. 2.1).

2.1.1 Satyagraha ka idea

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi South Africa mein bees saal se zyada rehne ke baad January 1915 mein India laute. Wahan unhone racist laws ke khilaaf Indians ki aguvaai ki thi, jaise un labourers par lage bhaari tax ke khilaaf jinka indenture poora ho chuka tha. November 1913 mein unhone ban ko todte hue hazaaron Indian workers ka Natal se Transvaal tak march lead kiya. Jab unhe arrest kiya gaya, to aur bhi workers jud gaye. Is naye tarah ke mass struggle ko unhone satyagraha (सत्याग्रह) kaha.

Maan lo koi law unjust hai. Tum use maan sakte ho, ya force se uske khilaaf lad sakte ho. Gandhiji ne ek teesra raasta sujhaya. Satyagraha shabd satya (truth) aur agraha (mazboot pakad) se bana hai: iska matlab hai sach ko mazbooti se pakde rehna. Ek satyagrahi unjust law ko khule aur shaant dhang se todta hai, phir bina palatkar maare aur bina nafrat ke arrest ya maar sweekar karta hai. Maksad opponent ko haraana nahi, balki use apni taraf laana hai. Shaanti se sahi gayi har takleef rulers aur dekhne wale sabke conscience ko jhakjhorti hai, jab tak opponent bhi sach ko dekh na le. Gandhiji ko poora yakeen tha ki non-violence par bana sangharsh har dharm aur class ke Indians ko jod sakta hai (Fig. 2.2).

India wapas aakar Gandhiji ne yeh tareeka teen local campaigns mein test kiya, har ek logon ke alag group ke liye. In campaigns ne teen saal ke andar unhe national figure bana diya.

2.1.2 Rowlatt Act

1919 tak Gandhiji national level par jaane ke liye taiyaar the. Unka nishaana tha Rowlatt Act, jiska naam Justice Sidney Rowlatt ke naam par pada, jo us committee ke chairman the jisne ise propose kiya tha. Is Act ne government ko political activity ke shak mein logon ko arrest karne aur unhe bina trial ke do saal tak band rakhne ki chhoot di. Ise March 1919 mein Imperial Legislative Council se jaldbaazi mein paas karaya gaya, jabki Indian members ne ek saath iska virodh kiya tha; Muhammad Ali Jinnah ne virodh mein Council se istifa de diya. Logon ne is law ko ek popular slogan mein samet diya: na vakil, na daleel, na appeal (na lawyer, na argument, na appeal).

Protest ki shuruaat 6 April 1919 ko ek hartal (हड़ताल) se honi thi, yaani ek aisa din jab dukaanein band rahein aur kaam ruk jaaye, aur uske baad law ke khilaaf non-violent civil disobedience. Response ne sabko hairaan kar diya. Shehron mein rallies huin, railway workshops ke staff ne kaam rok diya, aur bazaar band rahe. British ko yeh ubhaar khatarnaak laga: agar unke raaj ko jodkar rakhne wali railways aur telegraph lines kaat di gayin to kya hoga? Unhone leadership par vaar kiya. Gandhiji ko Delhi ke paas train se utaar kar Bombay wapas bhej diya gaya taaki woh Delhi aur Punjab na pahunch sakein. Amritsar mein do popular local leaders, Dr Saifuddin Kitchlew aur Dr Satyapal, arrest kar liye gaye.

Amritsar ubal pada. 10 April ko jab ek julus leaders ki rihaai ki maang karte hue nikla, to police ne us par goli chala di. Uske baad hue dangon mein banks, post offices aur railway stations par hamle hue. General Reginald Dyer ke neeche army shehar mein aa gayi, aur shehar par martial law laga diya gaya.

Woh Baisakhi ka din tha, 13 April 1919, aur Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar ka ek khula maidan jo gharon ki deewaron se ghira tha, hazaaron logon se bhara tha. Bahut se log gaanvon se tyohaar ke mele ke liye shehar aaye the aur unhe meetings par lage ban ki koi khabar nahi thi; baaki arrests ke khilaaf protest karne jama hue the. Dopahar dhalte Dyer troops ke saath pahuncha, unhe sankare main entrance par khada kiya aur bina koi warning diye goli chalane ka hukm de diya. Lagbhag das minute tak woh phanse hue logon par goli chalaate rahe, aur tabhi ruke jab unka ammunition lagbhag khatam ho gaya. Kuch log bachne ke liye maidan ke andar ek kuen mein kood gaye. Official taur par 379 log maare gaye; Indian anumaan yeh sankhya kahin zyada batate hain (Fig. 2.3).

Ek nihatthi bheed par goli kyun? Dyer ne baad mein kaha ki woh ‘moral effect paida karna’ chahta tha, yaani har sambhavit satyagrahi ko dara dena. Iske ulat, is khabar ne north India ke kai shehron mein logon ko sadkon par utaar diya, aur strikes, police se jhadpein aur government buildings par hamle hue. Government ka jawab tha Punjab ko apmaanit karna. Amritsar ki ek gali mein Indians ko pet ke bal rengne par majboor kiya gaya. Doosri jagahon par logon ko zameen par naak ragadni padi, har British officer ko salaam (salute) karna pada, warna public mein kode khaane pade, aur aircraft ne Gujranwala (ab Pakistan mein) ke aas-paas ke gaanvon par bomb giraye. Jaise-jaise hinsa phaili, Gandhiji ne satyagraha wapas le liya, aur maana ki unhone logon ko law todne ke liye tab kaha jab woh taiyaar nahi the, ek ‘Himalayan miscalculation’.

Khilafat ka sawaal

Gandhiji ne 1919 se do sabak liye. Rowlatt protests bhale hi door-door tak phaile, lekin gaanvon ko bas zara sa chhoo paaye the, aur ek asli mass movement ko shehron se kahin aage tak pahunchna hoga. Ismein Hindus aur Muslims ko bhi saath khada hona hoga. Khilafat (ख़िलाफ़त) ke mudde ne unhe dono ko kareeb laane ka mauka diya.

Ottoman Turkey war mein haarne wale paksh ki taraf se lada tha. Uska Sultan Khalifa bhi tha, jise duniya bhar ke bahut se Muslims apna spiritual head maante the. Khabar phaili ki jeetne wale Allies ek kathor treaty thopna chahte the jo uski shaktiyan chheen legi. (August 1920 ki Treaty of Sèvres ne sach mein uske empire ke tukde kar diye.) March 1919 mein Indian Muslims ne Khalifa ki raksha ke liye Bombay mein Khilafat Committee banayi. Uske younger leaders mein Muhammad Ali aur unke bhai Shaukat Ali the, jinhone jaldi hi Gandhiji se joint mass action par baat shuru ki. Gandhiji ke liye yeh woh mauka tha jiski unhe zaroorat thi, Muslims ko ek national movement mein laane ka. September 1920 mein Calcutta ke ek special Congress session mein unhone baaki leaders ko do muddon ke liye ek saath non-cooperation par raazi kar liya: Khilafat aur swaraj (स्वराज), yaani self-rule.

2.1.3 Non-cooperation kyun?

Non-cooperation ke liye Gandhiji ka tark unki kitaab Hind Swaraj (1909) se aata tha. Unka kehna tha ki kuch hazaar British officials karodon Indians par sirf isliye raaj kar paate hain kyunki khud Indians unke liye system chalaate hain. Indians clerks, soldiers, policemen aur lawyers ka kaam karte the, government schools mein padhte the aur British maal khareedte the. Agar Indians yeh madad wapas le lein to British rule gir jaayega, unke anumaan se ek saal ke andar, aur swaraj aa jaayega (Fig. 2.4).

Gandhiji ne sab kuch ek saath nahi maanga. Unka plan seedhi ke paydaanon jaisa tha, har kadam pichhle se mushkil. Pehla paaydaan aasaan tha: government ke diye titles aur samman lauta do. Doosra kahin zyada mushkil tha: government service, army aur police, courts, legislative councils, government schools aur foreign goods ka boycott (बहिष्कार). Sabse upar ka paaydaan, jo is haalat ke liye bacha kar rakha gaya tha ki government daman par utar aaye, tha poori civil disobedience, jismein taxes dene se inkaar bhi shaamil tha. Gandhiji ne khud misaal pesh ki aur government ka diya Kaisar-i-Hind medal lauta diya.

Har Congress leader ko yeh plan pasand nahi tha. Councils ke elections November 1920 mein hone the, aur bahut se log seats jeetne ka apna mauka gawaana nahi chahte the; doosron ko dar tha ki mass action hinsa mein badal jaayega. Jab Gandhiji aur Shaukat Ali 1920 ki garmiyon mein aam logon ko jodne ke liye desh bhar ghoom rahe the, tab leadership aapas mein bahas kar rahi thi. Yeh jhagda September se December tak chala, aur kuch samay tak koi bhi paksh peeche hatne ko taiyaar nahi tha. Aakhirkar December 1920 ke Nagpur session mein dono pakshon mein samjhauta hua aur Non-Cooperation programme apna liya gaya.

2.2 Movement ke andar alag-alag dhaarayein

1921 ki bheed ki kalpana karo: students aur dukaandaar, peasants aur jungle mein rehne wale, tea garden workers aur lawyers. Sabne swaraj ki pukaar ka jawab diya, lekin har kisi ko is shabd mein kuch alag sunai diya, apni mushkilon aur ummeedon ke hisaab se (Fig. 2.5). Movement khud January 1921 mein shuru hua. Chalo, iske peeche-peeche shehron se gaanvon, jungle aur tea gardens tak chalte hain.

2.2.1 Shehron mein movement

Sabse pehle shehron ki middle classes aage aayin. Ek ke baad ek shehar mein students ne government ke chalaaye schools aur colleges chhod diye, aur bahut se headmasters aur teachers ne bhi unke saath istifa de diya. Lawyers ne British courts mein wakalat chhod di. Zyadatar provinces ne council elections ka boycott kiya. Madras ne nahi kiya: wahan non-Brahmans ki aawaaz uthaane wali Justice Party ne election lada, kyunki council ki seat non-Brahmans ko us power mein hissa dene ka vaada karti thi jo aam taur par Brahmans ke paas jaati thi.

Boycott ka sabse gehra asar bazaar mein dikha. Imported kapda, jise Western economic aur cultural dabdabe ka nishaan maana jaata tha, public chauraahon par dher karke jalaya gaya. Volunteers ne sharaab ki dukaanon ki picketing (धरना) ki, aur bahut se vyapaariyon ne foreign goods ka kaam karne ya foreign trade ke liye paisa udhaar dene se inkaar kar diya. Numbers asar dikhate hain: 1921 mein India ne ₹102 crore ka foreign kapda import kiya, lekin 1922 mein sirf ₹57 crore ka, yaani 40 per cent se zyada ki girawat. Indian mills aur handloom weavers ko fayda hua, kyunki jo log foreign kapde chhodte the unhe Indian kapde khareedne padte the.

Saal bhar ke andar shehron ka movement dheema padne laga. Dikkat thi keemat aur vikalp ki. Haath se kaata khadi aam taur par factory ke bane kapde se mehnga hota tha, isliye gareeb parivaar use lambe samay tak nahi khareed sakte the. British institutions chhodna tabhi samajh mein aata tha jab judne ke liye Indian institutions hon, aur yeh dheere-dheere aur kam sankhya mein bane. Government college chhodne wale student ko phir bhi degree chahiye thi; courts chhodne wale lawyer ko phir bhi kamaai chahiye thi. Ek-ek karke bahut se log wapas laut gaye (Table 2.1).

2.2.2 Gaanvon mein vidroh

Shehron se aage, peasants aur tribal log war ke samay se apni-apni ladaiyan lad rahe the. Ab Non-Cooperation un tak pahuncha, aur unke sangharsh uska hissa ban gaye.

Awadh (aaj ke Uttar Pradesh mein) ke ek tenant farmer ke baare mein socho. Uska talukdar, yaani ek bada zamindar, bahut bhaari lagaan leta hai, upar se kai extra cesses bhi. Kuch dinon use zamindar ke kheton mein muft kaam karna padta hai; is zabardasti ke bina mazdoori wale kaam ko begar (बेगार) kehte hain. Use kabhi bhi uske khet se nikala ja sakta hai, aur zamindar tenants ko jaan-boojhkar baar-baar bedakhal karte hain taaki koi tenant zameen par legal haq na bana sake. Aise peasants ko Baba Ramchandra mein ek leader mila, ek sanyasi jo kabhi indentured labourer ban kar Fiji gaye the.

Peasants ki maangein saaf thin: kam revenue, begar ka ant, aur zulm karne wale zamindaron ka social boycott. Gaanv ki panchayats ne nai–dhobi bandh ke zariye boycott lagu kiya, taaki aise zamindaron ko naai aur dhobi ki sevaayein bhi na milein. June 1920 se Jawaharlal Nehru Awadh mein gaanv-gaanv gaye aur peasants ki shikaayatein suni. Usi October unhone, Baba Ramchandra aur kuch aur logon ne Oudh Kisan Sabha banayi, jiski ek mahine mein 300 se zyada gaanvon mein branches ban gayin. Jab agle saal Non-Cooperation shuru hua, to Congress ne is peasant sangharsh ko national sangharsh mein jodne ki koshish ki.

Lekin peasants hamesha Congress ki script par nahi chale. 1921 mein bheedon ne talukdaron aur vyapaariyon ke gharon par hamla kiya, bazaar loote aur jamakhori ka anaaj utha le gaye. Local leaders ne yeh baat phaila di ki Gandhiji ne taxes khatam kar diye hain aur zameen gareebon mein baantne ka hukm diya hai, jabki unhone aisa kuch nahi kaha tha. Log jo kuch karte aur jo kuch chahte, use sahi thehraane ke liye Mahatma ka naam liya jaane laga.

Tribal peasants ne Gandhiji ke sandesh se ek aur hi matlab nikaala. Andhra Pradesh ki Gudem Hills mein 1920s ki shuruaat mein ek militant guerrilla movement chala, sangharsh ka aisa roop jise Congress kabhi sahi nahi maan sakti thi. Mushkil jungle se shuru hui. Yahan, India ke baaki forest belts ki tarah, officials ne jungle ke bade hisse pahadi logon ke liye band kar diye the, jo ab wahan maveshi nahi chara sakte the aur na hi lakdi aur phal ikattha kar sakte the. Unki rozi-roti ka ek hissa chhin gaya, aur unhe laga ki unke woh haq loot liye gaye jo unke parivaaron ke paas hamesha se the. Aakhri tinka tab pada jab officials ne unse begar karwayi, bina mazdoori sadkein banwaayin. Pahadon mein vidroh phoot pada.

Unke leader, Alluri Sitarama Raju, ek anokhe vyakti the. Woh khaas shaktiyon ka daawa karte the: woh sahi astrological bhavishyavaani kar sakte the, beemaron ko theek kar sakte the aur goliyon se bhi bach sakte the. Unke followers itne prabhaavit the ki unhe Bhagwan ka avatar maanne lage. Raju Gandhiji ki taareef karte the, kehte the ki Non-Cooperation se unhe prerna mili, aur apne logon se khadi pehenne aur sharaab chhodne ko kehte the. Phir bhi unka yakeen tha ki India ko sirf force se azaad kiya ja sakta hai, non-violence se nahi. Unki aguvaai mein rebels ne police stations par hamle kiye, British officials ko maarne ki koshish ki aur swaraj ke liye guerrilla war lada. Raju ko May 1924 mein pakadkar maar diya gaya, aur samay ke saath woh ek lok-nayak ban gaye.

2.2.3 Plantations mein swaraj

Assam ke tea plantations par workers ki pehli ichchha seedhi si thi: wahan se ja paana. Zyadatar ko door ke districts se laaya gaya tha, aur 1859 ke Inland Emigration Act ke tahat woh bina permission tea gardens se bahar nahi ja sakte the, aur yeh permission shayad hi kabhi milti thi. Unke liye azaadi ka matlab tha apni marzi se estates mein aana-jaana aur apne gaanvon se rishta banaye rakhna.

Non-Cooperation ki khabar 1921 mein gardens tak pahunchi, aur hazaaron workers ne ise apna ishaara maana. Misaal ke taur par, May 1921 mein Chargola valley ke tea gardens se hazaaron workers managers ki baat na maante hue ek saath nikal pade. Unka maanna tha ki Gandhi Raj aane hi wala hai, aur uske saath har kisi ko apne gaanv mein zameen milegi. Bahut kam log ghar pahunche. Ek strike ki wajah se railway aur steamer services ruk gayin, yatri phans gaye, aur police ne unhe pakadkar buri tarah peeta.

In ummeedon ko Congress programme ne aakaar nahi diya tha. Peasants, tribal log aur workers, sabne swaraj shabd mein apna-apna matlab bhar diya, aksar aisa samay jab har mushkil apne aap khatam ho jaayegi. Phir bhi kuch zaroori ho raha tha. Gandhiji ka naam pukaarta ek pahadi gaanv wala, ya ‘Swatantra Bharat’ (free India) ka naara lagaati bheed, ek local shikaayat ko poore desh ke sangharsh se jod rahi thi. Log apne gaanv ya ghaati se aage sochne lage the.

2.3 Civil Disobedience ki taraf

4 February 1922 ko Gorakhpur district ke Chauri Chaura mein local bazaar mein ek protest bekaabu ho gaya. Police se jhadap ke baad bheed ne police station mein aag laga di, aur bees se zyada policemen maare gaye. Kai jagahon par pehle hi hinsa ho chuki thi, aur ab Gandhiji ne Non-Cooperation Movement wapas le liya. Unhone kaha ki mass struggle ke liye taiyaar hone se pehle satyagrahis ko theek se training chahiye.

Ab aage kya? Is sawaal par Congress bant gayi. Ek group, jo mass campaigns se thak chuka tha, Government of India Act of 1919 se bani provincial councils ke elections ladna chahta tha. Unka tark tha ki andar rehkar woh British policies ka virodh kar sakte hain, reform ke liye zor daal sakte hain aur dikha sakte hain ki councils asal mein kitni undemocratic hain. C. R. Das aur Motilal Nehru ki aguvaai mein is group ne Congress ke andar Swaraj Party banayi. Jawaharlal Nehru aur Subhas Chandra Bose ki aguvaai mein ek younger group iska ulta chahta tha: zyada radical mass agitation aur poori independence se kam kuch nahi (aage ke do raaste).

Jab Congress bahas kar rahi thi, 1920s ke aakhir mein do ghatnaon ne political scene badal diya. Pehli thi duniya bhar ki economic depression. Kheti ki upaj ki keematein 1926 mein girne lagin aur 1930 ke baad dhadaam se gir gayin. Agricultural goods ki maang ghatne aur exports girne se peasants apni fasal bech hi nahi paa rahe the, revenue chukaana to door ki baat thi. 1930 tak gaanvon ka India ashaanti se ubal raha tha.

Doosra jhatka London se aaya. Britain ki Conservative (Tory) government ne Sir John Simon ki adhyakshata mein ek Statutory Commission banaya, jise yeh dekhna tha ki India ka constitutional system kaisa chal raha hai aur badlaav suggest karne the. Ise Indian maangon ka jawab maana gaya, lekin iske saaton members British the: ek bhi Indian shaamil nahi tha. Indians ne ise apmaan samjha. Congress ne December 1927 ke apne Madras session mein iske boycott ka faisla kiya, aur jab 1928 mein commission pahuncha to uska swaagat kaale jhando aur ‘Go back Simon’ ke naaron se hua. Is baar saari parties, Congress aur Muslim League bhi, ek saath protest mein utrin.

Viceroy Lord Irwin ne maahaul shaant karne ki koshish ki. October 1929 mein unhone India ke liye dominion status ki baat ki, bina yeh bataaye ki kab, aur ek Round Table Conference ka vaada kiya jahan Indian aur British leaders naye constitution par baat karenge. Congress leaders prabhaavit nahi hue. Party ke andar Jawaharlal Nehru aur Subhas Chandra Bose ke aas-paas ke radicals ki aawaaz tez hui, jabki liberals aur moderates, jinhe British Empire ke andar self-government ki ummeed thi, dheere-dheere kamzor padte gaye.

December 1929 mein Jawaharlal Nehru ki adhyakshata mein Congress Lahore mein mili aur usne officially Purna Swaraj (पूर्ण स्वराज), yaani complete independence, ko apna goal banaya. Usne 26 January 1930 ko Independence Day tay kiya: us din poore India mein logon ko complete freedom ke sangharsh ki shapath leni thi. Pledge mein kaha gaya ki jis janta ki azaadi koi government chheene aur us par zulm kare, use us government ko badalne ya khatam karne ka haq hai. Usne British rule par India ko economically, politically, culturally aur spiritually barbaad karne ka aarop lagaya. Phir bhi in samaarohon par zyada dhyaan nahi gaya. Gandhiji ne samjha ki freedom jaise abstract idea ko roz ki zindagi ki thos samasyaon se jodna hoga.

2.3.1 Salt March aur Civil Disobedience Movement

India ki har rasoi mein namak use hota hai, sabse ameer se lekar sabse gareeb tak, aur 1930 mein uski har chutki par British tax lagta tha. Namak banane par government ki monopoly bhi thi, isliye Indians apne hi samundar kinaare se bhi use khulkar ikattha nahi kar sakte the. Gandhiji ko ismein British rule ka sabse zaalim chehra dikha, aur ek aisa symbol jise poora desh samajh sakta tha.

Unhone pehle apni baat Viceroy ke saamne rakhi. 31 January 1930 ko unhone Irwin ko gyaarah maangon ke saath letter likha, jinhe is tarah chuna gaya tha ki har class ko unmein apne liye kuch mile. Kuch sabse jude the, jaise sharaab bandi, political prisoners ki rihaai aur military kharche mein kati. Kuch khaas groups ke liye thin: industrialists ke liye kam rupee–sterling exchange rate aur foreign kapde se suraksha, aur peasants ke liye land revenue mein pachaas per cent ki kati. Jis maang ne logon ko sabse zyada jhakjhora, woh thi salt tax ko khatam karna.

Letter ek deadline ke saath khatam hua: agar 11 March tak maangein nahi maani gayin to Congress civil disobedience shuru karegi. Irwin baatcheet ke liye taiyaar nahi hue. 12 March 1930 ko Gandhiji 78 chune hue volunteers ke aage Ahmedabad ke apne Sabarmati Ashram se nikle, Gujarat ke samundar kinaare Dandi ki taraf. 24 dinon tak woh roz lagbhag 10 miles (16 km) chale, kul milakar 240 miles (lagbhag 385 km) se zyada. Har padaav par bheed jama hoti, aur Gandhiji unhe batate ki swaraj ka matlab kya hai aur unse British ka shaanti se virodh karne ko kehte. 6 April ki subah Dandi mein unhone samundar ke paani se namak banaya aur khulkar law toda (Fig. 2.6).

Namak ki us mutthi ke saath Civil Disobedience (सविनय अवज्ञा) Movement shuru hua. Yeh Non-Cooperation se ek kadam aage tha. 1921–22 mein Indians se British institutions se hatne ko kaha gaya tha; ab unse British laws todne ko kaha gaya (dono ki tulna).

Jaldi hi poore India mein salt law toda jaane laga. Log samundar ka paani ubaalte ya kinaare se namak khurachte, aur bheed government ke salt depots ke bahar pradarshan karti. Phir movement aur phaila. Foreign kapde ka boycott hua aur sharaab ki dukaanon ki phir se picketing hui. Peasants ne revenue aur gaanv ke chaukidaron ka kharcha uthaane wala chaukidari tax dena band kar diya, aur gaanv ke officials ne apne pad chhod diye. Jungle wale ilaakon mein logon ne jaan-boojhkar forest laws tode, aur lakdi kaatne aur maveshi charaane Reserved Forests mein ghus gaye.

Ghabraayi hui government ne Congress leaders ko ek-ek karke pakadna shuru kiya, aur in arrests se kai jagahon par hinsak jhadpein hui. April 1930 mein police ne Abdul Ghaffar Khan ko arrest kiya, jo Gandhiji ke samarpit follower the aur North-West Frontier Province mein Khudai Khidmatgars (‘Servants of God’) ki aguvaai karte the. Peshawar mein protest karti bheed ka saamna armoured cars aur goliyon se hua, aur bahut se log maare gaye. Ek mahine baad jab Gandhiji arrest hue, to Sholapur ke industrial workers ne British rule ki pehchaan wali buildings par hamla bol diya: police posts, municipal offices, law courts aur railway stations. Dari hui government ne zor se palatvaar kiya. Police ne shaant satyagrahis ko, yahan tak ki women aur bachchon ko bhi, peeta, aur lagbhag ek lakh (100,000) log jail gaye.

March 1931 mein Gandhiji ne sangharsh ko rokne ka faisla kiya. 5 March ko sign hue Gandhi–Irwin Pact ke tahat government political prisoners ko reha karti. Badle mein Gandhiji Round Table Conference ke liye London jaate, haalaanki Congress pehli conference se door rahi thi. 1931 ke aakhir mein hui doosri conference se India ko kuch nahi mila, aur December mein Gandhiji niraash hokar laute. Lautne par unka saamna crackdown se hua. Nehru aur Ghaffar Khan pehle se jail mein the, jaldi hi Congress ko gair-kaanooni ghoshit kar diya gaya, aur meetings, pradarshanon aur boycotts par ban laga diya gaya. Bechain, lekin koi khaas vikalp na hone ke kaaran, Gandhiji ne 1932 mein Civil Disobedience phir shuru kiya. Yeh ek saal se zyada chala aur 1934 tak iska dum nikal gaya.

2.3.2 Hissa lene walon ne movement ko kaise dekha

Civil Disobedience mein bahut se groups jude, lekin har ek ke judne ke apne kaaran the aur swaraj ka apna idea tha. Movement aage badhne ke saath unka support bhi kabhi badha, kabhi ghata (Table 2.3).

Gujarat ke ek khaate-peete Patidar parivaar ko lo jo bechne ke liye cotton ya tobacco ugata hai. Jab depression aaya, to uski fasal ki keemat dhadaam se giri aur uski nakad kamaai lagbhag khatam ho gayi, phir bhi government utna hi land revenue maangti rahi. Aise ameer peasant samudaayon par, Uttar Pradesh ke Jats samet, gehri maar padi kyunki woh commercial crops ugaate the, aur government ke revenue kam karne se inkaar ne unhe gusse se bhar diya. Woh Civil Disobedience ke sabse utsaahi supporters mein se ban gaye, poore samudaayon ko sangathit kiya aur kabhi-kabhi na chahne wale members par boycotts mein judne ka dabaav bhi daala. Unke liye swaraj ka matlab sabse badhkar tha bhaari revenue ke khilaaf ladai. Isiliye jab 1931 mein Gandhiji ne revenue rates badle bina movement rok diya, to unhe bahut dhokha mehsoos hua, aur 1932 mein jab yeh phir shuru hua to unmein se bahut se dobara nahi jude.

Gareeb peasants ko kuch aur chahiye tha. Unmein se bahut se chhote tenants the jo zamindaron se kiraye par li zameen jotte the. Jaise-jaise depression lamba khincha aur nakad kam padi, woh lagaan chukaane mein pichhad gaye aur chahte the ki baaki lagaan maaf ho. Bahut se radical movements mein jud gaye, jinmein se kai Socialists aur Communists chala rahe the. Congress ameer peasants aur zamindaron ko naraaz nahi karna chahti thi, isliye zyadatar jagahon par usne ‘no rent’ campaigns ka saath nahi diya, aur gareeb peasants kabhi theek se samajh nahi paaye ki Congress ke saath unki kya jagah hai.

Business groups ke judne ke apne kaaran the. First World War Indian vyapaariyon aur industrialists ke liye achha raha tha: unhone bhaari munafa kamaya tha aur taakatwar ho gaye the. Ab woh phailne ki jagah chahte the, aur colonial policies raaste mein khadi thin. Unhone foreign imports se suraksha maangi aur aisa rupee–sterling exchange rate maanga jo imports ko mehnga bana de. In maangon ke liye woh sangathit hue, aur Indian Industrial and Commercial Congress (1920) aur baad mein 1927 mein Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) banayi. Purshottamdas Thakurdas aur G. D. Birla jaise bade industrialists ki aguvaai mein unhone Indian economy par colonial control ki aalochana ki.

Shuru mein business groups ne Civil Disobedience ko paisa diya, aur bahut se vyapaariyon ne imported maal ka kaam band kar diya. Zyadatar businessmen aise swaraj ki ummeed karte the jismein business par colonial rokein hat jaayein aur trade aur industry phal-phool sakein. Lekin Round Table Conference fail hone ke baad unka utsaah kam ho gaya. Militant activity phail rahi thi, business bahut lambe samay se ruka hua tha, aur Congress ke bahut se younger members socialism ki taraf jhuk rahe the; in sab baaton ne unhe chintit kar diya.

Nagpur ke aas-paas walon ko chhodkar industrial workers zyadatar Civil Disobedience se door rahe. Industrialists jitna Congress ke kareeb aaye, workers utna hi peeche hate. Kuch ne hissa liya, lekin apni sharton par. Unhone kam wages aur kharab working conditions ke khilaaf apni ladaiyon mein Gandhian programme ke kuch hisse apnaye, jaise foreign goods ka boycott. Railway workers ne 1930 mein strike ki; 1932 mein dockworkers ne bhi. Chotanagpur region mein 1930 mein hazaaron mine workers ne Gandhi caps pehnin aur protest rallies aur boycotts mein jude. Phir bhi Congress ne workers ki maangon ko apne programme se bahar rakha, is dar se ki isse industrialists naraaz honge aur imperial rule ke virodhi bal bant jaayenge.

Civil Disobedience mein women itni badi sankhya mein judin jaisa pehle kabhi nahi dekha gaya tha. Jab Gandhiji ka march Gujarat se guzra, to hazaaron women unhe sunne ke liye gharon se nikal aayin. Agle mahino mein unhone julus nikaale, namak banaya, foreign kapda ya sharaab bechne wali dukaanon ki picketing ki, aur badi sankhya mein jail gayin. Bahut si women ke liye yeh public life mein unka pehla kadam tha. Shehron mein yeh women zyadatar oonchi jaati ke parivaaron se thin; gaanvon mein ameer peasant gharon se. Gandhiji ki pukaar ne unhe desh ki seva ko ek pavitra kartavya ki tarah dekhna sikhaya.

Kya isse samaaj ka women ko dekhne ka nazariya badla? Zyada nahi. Khud Gandhiji maante the ki aurat ka pehla kartavya ghar mein hai, ek achhi patni aur maa banne mein. Congress ke andar julus mein women ka swaagat tha, lekin kai saalon tak unhe power ke padon se door rakha gaya; party unhe zyadatar ek symbol ke roop mein dekhti thi. 1925 mein Congress president bani Sarojini Naidu ek durlabh apvaad thin.

2.3.3 Civil Disobedience ki seemayein

Kuch groups abstract swaraj se bilkul prabhaavit nahi hue. Unmein woh log the jinhe ‘untouchables’ maana jaata tha, jo lagbhag 1930s se khud ko dalit (दलित) kehne lage, jiska matlab hai dabaaye gaye. Congress lambe samay se unke mudde se door rahi thi, is chinta mein ki isse sanatanis, yaani conservative oonchi jaati ke Hindu, naraaz ho jaayenge. Gandhiji ne yeh silsila toda. Unhone kaha ki jab tak untouchability khatam nahi hoti, swaraj sau saal tak nahi aayega. Unhone ‘untouchables’ ko Harijan, yaani Bhagwan ki santaan, naam diya, aur unke liye mandir, public kuen, talaab, sadkein aur schools kholne ke liye satyagraha kiye. Unhone khud toilets saaf kiye taaki dikha sakein ki safai karne wale ka kaam bhi samman ka haqdaar hai, aur oonchi jaatiyon se apna dil badalne aur ‘untouchability ka paap’ chhodne ki appeal ki.

Lekin bahut se dalit leaders political hal chahte the, aur kuch ko Harijan naam ehsaan jataane wala laga. Woh sangathit hone lage. Unhone schools aur colleges mein dalits ke liye seats reserve karne ki maang ki, aur ek separate electorate (पृथक निर्वाचिका) ki bhi, jismein sirf dalit voters legislative councils ke dalit members chunein. Unka maanna tha ki sirf political power hi unki social disabilities door kar sakti hai. Isliye dalits ne Civil Disobedience mein seemit hissa liya, sabse zyada Maharashtra aur Nagpur region mein, jahan unke organisations mazboot the.

Takraav 1931 mein Second Round Table Conference mein hua. Dr B. R. Ambedkar ne, jinhone 1930 mein dalits ko Depressed Classes Association mein ikattha kiya tha, unke liye separate electorates ki maang ki, aur Gandhiji ne iska virodh kiya. August 1932 mein British government ke Communal Award ne Ambedkar ki maang maan li. Gandhiji, jo tab Poona ki Yerwada jail mein qaidi the, ne iska jawab aamaran anshan (fast unto death) se diya, yeh tark dete hue ki separate electorates samaaj mein dalits ke judne ko dheema kar denge. Aakhir mein Ambedkar ne Gandhiji ki baat maan li, aur September 1932 mein dono pakshon ne Poona Pact sign kiya. Depressed Classes (jo baad mein Scheduled Castes kehlaaye) ko provincial aur central legislative councils mein reserved seats milin. Lekin un seats ke members ko saare voters milkar chunte, yaani general electorate (Fig. 2.7). Iske baad bhi dalit movement Congress ki aguvaai wale national movement ko lekar saavdhaan bana raha.

Dono leaders untouchability ka ant chahte the; unka matbhed tareeke par tha. Historians aaj bhi Poona Pact ko alag-alag tarah se aankte hain. Kuch ise ek samjhauta maante hain jisne national movement ko ek rakha, jabki kuch ise ek swatantra dalit political aawaaz ke liye jhatka maante hain.

Bahut se Muslim political organisations ne bhi Civil Disobedience ko thanda jawab diya. Non-Cooperation–Khilafat Movement ke dheema padte hi Muslim samudaay ka ek bada hissa khud ko alag-thalag mehsoos karne laga. Lagbhag 1925 se Congress ko Hindu Mahasabha jaise khulkar Hindu religious nationalist groups ke saath zyada dekha jaane laga. Samudaayon ke beech rishte bigad gaye. Dono taraf ke religious julus ugr ho gaye, aur kai shehron mein jhadpein aur dange hue. Har dange ke saath dono samudaay aur door hote gaye.

Rishte sudhaarne ki koshishein hui. Congress aur Muslim League ne ek naye gathbandhan par baat ki, aur 1927 mein samjhauta mumkin lag raha tha. Atkaav is baat par tha ki aage chune jaane wale assemblies mein samudaayon ka representation kaise hoga. Muslim League ke Muhammad Ali Jinnah ne separate electorates chhodne ki peshkash ki, agar Muslims ko do guarantees milein. Ek, Central Assembly mein reserved seats. Doosri, Muslim-majority provinces Bengal aur Punjab mein aabaadi ke anupaat mein seats. Baatcheet lambi khinchi, lekin 1928 ki All Parties Conference mein samjhaute ki ummeed toot gayi, jahan Hindu Mahasabha ke M. R. Jayakar ne kisi bhi samjhaute ka zordaar virodh kiya.

Is tarah, Civil Disobedience shuru hone tak shak aur avishvaas gehra ho chuka tha. Congress se door ho chuke bahut se Muslims ne joint sangharsh ki uski appeal ka jawab nahi diya. Badi sankhya mein Muslim leaders aur vichaarak minority ke roop mein Muslims ki jagah ko lekar chintit the, is dar se ki Hindu majority minorities ki culture aur pehchaan ko daba degi. Phir bhi bahut se Muslims Congress ki aguvaai wale sangharsh ke saath bane rahe. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad iske sabse aage ke leaders mein the, aur Abdul Ghaffar Khan ke Khudai Khidmatgars Gandhiji ke sabse pakke followers mein se the.

2.4 Saajhe apnepan ki bhavna

Ek tarah se nation tab hota hai jab kaafi log maanein ki woh uska hissa hain aur mehsoos karein ki koi cheez unhe ek doosre se jodti hai. Alag-alag samudaayon, regions aur bhashaon ke logon mein India mein yeh vishvaas kaise jada?

Ek jawab tha saajha sangharsh: jo log saath march karte, picketing karte aur jail jaate the, woh khud ko ek log mehsoos karne lage. Doosra jawab tha culture. Kahaniyan aur itihaas, lok kathayein aur geet, saste chhape pictures aur flags jaise symbols, sabne logon ko nation ki kalpana karne mein madad ki.

Jaise tumne Chapter 1 mein Marianne aur Germania ke saath dekha, nation ko aksar ek vyakti ke roop mein dikhaya jaata hai, jisse logon ko judne ke liye ek chhavi milti hai. Twentieth century ke India mein nation ko Bharat Mata, yaani Mother India, ke roop mein dekha jaane laga. Bengali novelist Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay ne pehli baar is chhavi ko aakaar diya. 1870s mein unhone ‘Vande Mataram’ (‘Maa, main tumhe naman karta hoon’) likha, maatrbhoomi ki stuti ka ek geet, jise baad mein unhone apne novel Anandamath (1882) mein shaamil kiya. Bengal ke Swadeshi movement mein yeh har jagah gaaya gaya.

1905 mein, jis saal Swadeshi movement shuru hua, artist Abanindranath Tagore ne Bharat Mata ko kesariya vastron mein ek shaant, komal sanyasini ke roop mein paint kiya. Unke chaar haathon mein ek kitaab, dhaan ki baaliyan, ek safed kapda aur ek maala hai: gyaan, bhojan, vastra aur spiritual shakti. Unse pehle Raja Ravi Varma ki tarah, woh painting ka aisa tareeka banana chahte the jo saaf taur par Indian lage. Agle dashakon mein yeh chhavi popular prints aur doosre artists ke kaam mein kai roopon mein aayi. Misaal ke taur par, kuch prints mein unhe trishool liye dikhaya gaya, aur unke bagal mein shakti ke symbols ke roop mein ek sher aur ek haathi the. Is maa ki chhavi ke prati shraddha ko nationalist hone ka saboot maana jaane laga.

Hum mein se bahut se log daada-daadi ki sunaayi kahaniyon, shaadiyon aur fasal katai par gaaye geeton, aur peedhiyon se chali aa rahi paheliyon ke saath bade hue hain. Nineteenth century ke aakhir mein nationalists aise folklore ko national khazaana maanne lage. Bengal mein Rabindranath Tagore ne ballads, nursery rhymes aur myths ikatthe kiye aur lok culture ko phir se jagaane ke ek movement ki aguvaai ki. Madras mein Natesa Sastri ne The Folklore of Southern India nikaali, Tamil lok kathaon ke chaar bade volumes. Unke liye folklore nation ka apna saahitya tha aur aam log kaise sochte the, iska sabse sachcha record tha. Doosre log gaanv-gaanv ghoome aur ghoom-ghoomkar gaane wale bards ki kahaniyan likhte gaye. Unka tark tha ki lok culture asli India dikhata hai, jise bahari asar ne nuksaan pahunchaya hai, aur use bachaane se Indians ko yeh phir se pata chalega ki woh kaun hain aur woh apne ateet par garv kar sakenge.

Jaise-jaise movement badha, uske leaders ko aur saaf dikhne laga ki icons aur symbols logon ko kaise jod sakte hain aur national bhavna jaga sakte hain. Flags iska achha example hain (Fig. 2.8). Bengal ke Swadeshi movement ne hare, peele aur laal rang ka ek tricolour banaya, jismein British India ke aath provinces ke liye aath kamal the, aur Hindus aur Muslims ke liye ek suraj aur ek ardhchandra. 1921 tak Gandhiji ne Pingali Venkayya ki madad se bana ek Swaraj flag saamne rakha. Yeh bhi laal, hare aur safed rang ka tricolour tha, jiske beech mein Gandhian self-help ke aadarsh ke liye charkha tha. Is flag ko lekar chalna aur march mein use ooncha uthaana virodh ka kaam ban gaya.

Itihaas khud ek jung ka maidan ban gaya. Colonial writers aur officials aksar Indians ko pichhda aur aadim bataate the, aise log jo khud par raaj karne laayak nahi. Indian writers ne ateet se jawab diya. Nineteenth century ke aakhir ki taraf unhone aise itihaas likhe jo ancient India ka gungaan karte the: uske mandir aur sculpture, uska ganit aur astronomy, uska darshan aur kaanoon, uske shilp aur uska vyapaar. Unki kahani ke teen hisse the: ek swarn yug, ek lamba patan, aur aakhir mein colonial rule. Padhne walon ke liye iska sandesh tha ki India kabhi jo tha us par garv karo, aur British ke neeche ke dukh bhare vartmaan ko badalne ke liye lado.

1858 ki ek Bengali itihaas ki kitaab, Tarinicharan Chattopadhyay ki Bharatbarsher Itihas (The History of Bharatbarsh), mein yeh sur pehle se tha. Usmein do yugon ki tulna thi. Usne kaha ki ateet mein videshi yatri Indians ki himmat aur imaandaari ki taareef karte the, aur Indian senayein door videshon tak gayi thin. Vartmaan mein ek chhote, door ke dweep ki kuch tukdiyan desh par raaj kar rahi thin.

Lekin ismein ek pech tha. Is gungaan kiye gaye ateet ka zyadatar hissa Hindu ateet tha, aur bahut si national chhaviyan, Bharat Mata samet, Hindu deviyon jaisa roop leti thin. Muslims, Christians, Sikhs aur doosre log aasaani se mehsoos kar sakte the ki yeh nation poori tarah unka nahi hai. Jo symbols kuch logon ko khinchte the, wahi doosron ko door rakhte the.

Conclusion

Poore chapter par peeche mudkar nazar daalo to ek pattern dikhta hai. Colonial rule par gusse ne aise logon ko saath la diya jinmein aur kuch khaas common nahi tha: mill owners aur mill workers, zamindar aur tenants, Patidar farmers aur Assam ke tea workers. Gandhiji aur Congress ne us gusse ko aakaar diya, use saaf tareekon aur goals wale movements mein sangathit kiya. Lekin har group apni shikaayatein lekar aaya, isliye har ek ne alag azaadi ki kalpana ki.

Unhe saath rakhne ke liye lagaataar santulan banana padta tha. Jo kadam ek group ko khush karta, jaise zamindaron ke khilaaf tenants ka ya industrialists ke khilaaf workers ka saath dena, usse doosre group ke door chale jaane ka khatra tha. Isliye 1921 aur 1930 jaise gehri ekta ke palon ke baad batwaare aur jhagdon ke daur aaye. In sangharshon se jo nation ubhara woh kai aawaazon mein bolta tha, lekin un sabki chaahat thi colonial rule ka ant.

Quit India Movement, 1942

Quit India Second World War ke beech mein aaya. 1942 mein Britain ne war ke liye Indian support paane ke liye Cripps Mission bheja, lekin uska offer asli self-government se kaafi kam tha, aur war ke samay ki mushkilon ne gussa aur badha diya. Gandhiji ka jawab seedha tha: British ko India poori tarah chhodna hoga. 14 July 1942 ko Wardha mein mili Congress Working Committee ne ‘Quit India’ resolution paas kiya, aur maang ki ki power turant Indians ko saunpi jaaye. All India Congress Committee ne 8 August ko Bombay mein iska samarthan kiya aur poore desh mein non-violent mass action ki pukaar di. Usi shaam Gandhiji ne apna mashhoor naara diya: ‘Do or Die’ (Karo ya maro).

Agle din subah tak Gandhiji aur Congress ke top leaders jail mein the, lekin movement unke bina bhi chalta raha. Hartals hui, national geeton aur naaron ke saath julus nikle, aur desh ke bade hisson mein government ki machinery lagbhag ruk gayi. Yeh sach mein ek mass movement tha: hazaaron ki sankhya mein students, workers aur peasants jude. Ram Manohar Lohia, Jayaprakash Narayan aur Aruna Asaf Ali un leaders mein the jinhone ise zinda rakha. Women bhi sabse aage thin, unmein Odisha ki Rama Devi, Assam ki Kanaklata Barua aur Bengal ki Matangini Hazra thin. 17 saal ki Kanaklata Barua aur 73 saal ki Matangini Hazra ko national flag ke saath julus ki aguvaai karte hue goli maar di gayi. British ne bhaari force ka use kiya, aur phir bhi movement ko dabaane mein unhe ek saal se zyada laga.