Democracy: Class 9 Social Science Chapter 6 Hinglish mein

Ek housing society socho jiske savings account mein ₹3 lakh hain. Kuch residents rainwater-harvesting tank chahte hain; baaki bachchon ke liye park chahte hain. Kisi ko bhi paisa yun hi utha lene ki ijaazat nahi hai. Residents milte hain, apni baat rakhte hain, behes karte hain aur aakhir mein vote karte hain, aur jo haar jaate hain woh bhi result maan lete hain, kyunki unhe apni baat kehne ka barabar mauka mila. Chhote roop mein, yahi democracy hai.

Is chapter mein hum isi idea ko 140 crore se zyada logon wale desh tak le jaate hain. Padhte waqt yeh chaar bade sawaal dimaag mein rakho:

1. Democracy ka idea samay ke saath kaise badha, aur aaj hamare liye iska kya matlab hai?
2. Democracy kin roopon mein ho sakti hai, aur India aur doosre desh unhe kaise apnaate hain?
3. Kaun se features kisi system ko sach mein democratic banate hain, government offices ke andar bhi aur bahar bhi?
4. Indian democracy ke saamne kaun si challenges hain, aur tum usmein kya role nibha sakte ho?

6.1 Shuruaati samay se democratic traditions ka safar

Republic of India 75 saal se thoda hi zyada purana hai, lekin jin aadaton par democracy tiki hai woh yahan kahin zyada purani hain: kisi problem par baat karke usse suljhana, sahmati dhoondhna, zimmedaari baantna. Constitution ne in aadaton par, aur duniya ke doosre hisson ke ideas par, apni neenv rakhi.

Chapter 5 (State and Society up to 1000 CE) mein tum Vedic period ki assemblies se mile the: Sabhā, Samiti aur Vidhata, jahan community ke log common masle discuss karne ke liye ikattha hote the. Tumne gaṇas ya saṁghas ke baare mein bhi padha, aise shuruaati states jahan ek akele hereditary king ki jagah pramukh members ki assembly decisions leti thi. Powerful kings se bhi yeh ummeed nahi thi ki woh apni marzi se raaj karein: unse assemblies se salaah lene aur ministers aur officials ki advice lene ki ummeed ki jaati thi.

Yeh line Ṛigveda ke aakhri hymn se hai, jo unity ke baare mein hai. Seedhe shabdon mein, yeh ummeed karti hai ki jo log saath ikattha hon, unki ek salaah, ek sabha, ek mann aur ek maqsad ho. Saath milkar decide karna aur phir saath milkar kaam karna, iska yeh ideal us cheez ke kaafi kareeb hai jise aaj hum consultation aur consensus kehte hain.

Bauddha Saṁgha, yaani Gautama Buddha ki banayi monks ki community, bhi apne kaam democratic tareeke se chalati thi. Monks ki meetings mein sawaal uthaaye jaate aur un par behes hoti. Jab sahmati nahi banti, to woh vote karte: order ke rules batate hain ki votes lakdi ki parchiyon se gine jaate the, jinhe salākā kehte the. Decisions poori community ke hote the.

Yeh lambi parampara toot gayi. Invasions ne subcontinent ke kuch hisson mein political life ko hila diya, aur 1800s tak Britain iske zyadatar hisse par raaj karne laga. Colonial rule mein Indians ke liye laws British officials banate the, aur aam Indians ki unmein lagbhag koi awaaz nahi thi. Freedom struggle ne yeh badal diya. Lakhon-karodon logon ne organise karna, meetings karna, petitions sign karna, committees chunna aur saath march karna seekha, aur yeh demand badhti gayi ki Indians khud apna shaasan chalayein.

Constitution likhne ka kaam independence se pehle hi shuru ho gaya tha. 1946 mein bani Constituent Assembly pehli baar 9 December 1946 ko mili, aur Dr B. R. Ambedkar uski Drafting Committee ke chairman the. Members ne 2 saal, 11 mahine aur 18 din tak har article par behes ki; un behason ke record ko Constituent Assembly Debates (CAD) kehte hain. Nateeja tha kisi bhi desh ka sabse lamba likha hua constitution, jise Indian traditions ne aur doosri jagahon ke democratic experience ne, Britain ke parliamentary system se lekar US Constitution ke bill of rights tak, aakaar diya.

Jo constitution kabhi badal hi na sake, woh jaldi hi desh ke saath kadam nahi mila paata. Isliye Article 368 batata hai ki Parliament ise kaise amend kar sakti hai, aur ise sau se zyada baar amend kiya ja chuka hai. Jo nahi badal sakta, woh hain iske core values: justice, liberty, equality aur fraternity. Kesavananda Bharati case (1973) mein Supreme Court ne kaha ki koi amendment Constitution ke basic structure ko khatam nahi kar sakta.

6.2 Democracy ke principles

Democracy apne laws, leaders aur policies badal sakti hai. Lekin kuch principles chhod kar woh democracy nahi reh sakti. Yahan saat aise principles hain jinki Indian Constitution raksha karta hai.

6.2.1 Popular sovereignty

Government ko laws banane, taxes lene ya schools chalane ka haq kaun deta hai? Democracy mein jawab hai: log. State ki authority virasat mein nahi milti, na hi cheeni jaati hai; citizens use udhaar dete hain. Is idea ko popular sovereignty kehte hain. (Sovereignty ka matlab hai sabse oonchi, aakhri authority; yeh shabd Latin superanus, “supreme”, se aaya hai.)

Citizens is power ka use mainly vote dekar karte hain. 18 saal ya usse zyada ka har citizen secret ballot se vote de sakta hai, isliye koi pata nahi laga sakta ki kisi ne kise vote diya, na hi uske liye saza de sakta hai. Sabhi adults ka yeh vote ka haq, chahe unki daulat, education, caste, religion ya sex kuch bhi ho, universal adult franchise kehlata hai (Article 326). Voting age 21 thi, jab tak 1989 mein 61st Amendment ne use 18 nahi kar diya. Jo jeetta hai woh logon ki taraf se shaasan karta hai, lekin sirf agle election tak. Elections ke baare mein tum agle chapter mein detail mein padhoge.

6.2.2 Rule of law

Maan lo ek powerful local leader ki car ek cyclist ko takkar maar deti hai. Rule of law (विधि का शासन) mein aage kya hoga, yeh is baat par depend nahi karta ki car kiski hai. Police case register karti hai, court dono sides ko sunta hai, aur law faisla karta hai. Koi bhi, chahe kitna bhi ameer ya important ho, law se upar nahi hai.

Rule of law ke do hisse hain, dono Article 14 mein milte hain. Equality before the law ka matlab hai law har vyakti ke saath ek jaisa vyavhaar karta hai, chahe uska status, identity ya rank kuch bhi ho. Equal protection of the laws ka matlab hai ki milti-julti situations wale logon ke saath milta-julta vyavhaar ho, bina kisi manmaane bhedbhaav ke.

Article 21 ek aur suraksha jodta hai: kisi vyakti ki life ya personal liberty sirf procedure established by law ke zariye hi chheeni ja sakti hai. Practice mein iska matlab teen cheezein hain. Kisi ko tab tak jail ya fine nahi kiya ja sakta jab tak koi valid law iski ijaazat na de aur sahi steps follow na kiye jaayein. Har accused vyakti ko jawab dene ka fair mauka milna chahiye. Aur jhagde judge ke saamne pahunchte hain, unhe woh nahi suljhata jiske paas zyada paisa ya taakat ho. Jab log jaante hain ki same rules powerful aur kamzor dono par laagu hote hain, to woh system par bharosa karte hain.

6.2.3 Fundamental Rights

Constitution ke Part III mein diye Fundamental Rights har vyakti ki freedom, equality aur dignity ki raksha karte hain. Yeh chhah hain.

Koi right utna hi achha hai jitna uske peeche ka remedy. Isiliye Dr Ambedkar ne Article 32 ko Constitution ka heart and soul kaha: jiska bhi Fundamental Right toota ho, woh seedhe Supreme Court ja sakta hai, ya Article 226 ke tahat High Court. Yeh rights har vyakti ke hain aur inhe becha ya likh kar chhoda nahi ja sakta. Lekin yeh unlimited nahi hain. State law banakar in par reasonable restrictions laga sakta hai: jaise freedom of speech mein hinsa bhadkana shaamil nahi hai.

6.2.4 Separation of powers

Socho ek cricket match jismein ek team ka captain hi umpire bhi hai. Tum result par bharosa nahi karoge. Democracies government ka kaam teen organs mein baant kar isse bachti hain. Legislature laws banati hai, executive unhe laagu karti hai, aur judiciary unka arth batati hai aur jhagde suljhati hai. Yeh separation of powers kisi ek organ ko saari power jama karne se rokta hai.

Har organ ke paas baaki organs ko rokne ke tareeke bhi hain; ise checks and balances kehte hain. Legislature ministers se sawaal poochti hai aur government ke budget ko approve karna uska kaam hai. Courts Constitution ka ullanghan karne wale law ko radd kar sakte hain, is power ko judicial review kehte hain, aur kisi constitutional amendment ko bhi Constitution ke basic structure ki kasauti par parakh sakte hain. Police jaisi government agencies sirf Parliament ke banaye laws aur rules ke andar hi kaam kar sakti hain, aur koi citizen court se check karne ko keh sakta hai ki unhone aisa kiya ya nahi.

Iske kaam karne ke liye judges ka dabaav se azaad hona zaroori hai. Supreme Court aur High Courts ke judges ko sirf Parliament mein ek special procedure se hi hataya ja sakta hai, aur saza dene ke liye unki salary nahi kaati ja sakti, isliye jab law maange to woh government ke khilaaf faisla de sakte hain. Aam logon ko bhi andar aane ka raasta chahiye. Public Interest Litigation (PIL) ke zariye koi vyakti court se public ki bhalaai ke liye kadam uthaane ko keh sakta hai, un logon ki taraf se bhi jo itne gareeb ya kamzor hain ki khud court nahi ja sakte. 1980s mein Supreme Court ne kuch letters aur postcards ko bhi petitions maan liya tha.

6.2.5 Accountability aur transparency

Maan lo tumhari panchayat ne naye handpump ka vaada kiya aur do saal baad bhi koi handpump nahi hai. Democracy mein tumhe poochne ka haq hai ki kyun, aur kisi ko jawab dena hi padega. Yahi zimmedaari accountability hai. Voters elections mein hisaab chukate hain; beech ke samay mein media, civil society groups aur public debate sawaal poochte rehte hain. Decisions aur information ke baare mein khulapan, jise transparency kehte hain, in sawaalon ko mumkin banata hai, aur jo government inke jawab deti hai, woh logon ka bharosa jeetti hai.

India mein kai vyavasthaayein ise sach banati hain. Lok Sabha mein sitting ka pehla ghanta aam taur par Question Hour hota hai, jab members ministers se sawaal poochte hain aur ministers ko jawab dena padta hai. Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) government ke accounts ka audit karta hai aur Parliament ko report deta hai. Right to Information (RTI) Act, 2005 kisi bhi citizen ko public office se information maangne deta hai. Office ko aam taur par 30 din mein jawab dena hota hai, ya 48 ghante mein jahan kisi vyakti ki life ya liberty daav par ho. Is chapter mein aage tum dekhoge ki yeh law kaise bana (Section 6.4.4).

6.2.6 Multi-party system

Election posters se bhari deewar ke paas se guzro to tumhe kai symbols dikhenge: Indian voters aam taur par kai parties mein se chunte hain. Multi-party system mein har party apna programme rakhti hai, jo is baare mein uske vishwaas par tika hota hai ki desh kaise chalna chahiye, aur voters us party ko chunte hain jis par unhe sabse zyada bharosa ho. Kuch parties poore desh mein kaam karti hain, kuch mainly ek State ya region mein, aur saath milkar woh India ki vividhta ko dikhati hain. Sabhi ko Election Commission ke saath register karna aur Representation of the People Act, 1951 ko follow karna hota hai.

Government banane ke liye kisi party ko elected house ke aadhe se zyada members ka support chahiye. Lok Sabha mein 543 elected seats hain, isliye majority ka matlab hai kam se kam 272. Jab koi akeli party yeh line paar nahi karti, to kai parties milkar coalition bana sakti hain. Government se bahar sabse bada group aam taur par opposition ka kaam karta hai, jo government ke kaam par sawaal uthata hai aur uski aalochana karta hai.

6.2.7 Vulnerable groups ke rights ki raksha

Kisi democracy ko is baat se parkha jaata hai ki woh apne sabse kamzor members ke saath kaisa vyavhaar karti hai. Sadiyon ke caste discrimination, gareebi aur bahishkaar ki wajah se kuch groups doosron se bahut peeche se shuru hue, aur sab ke saath bilkul ek jaisa vyavhaar karne se yeh khaai waise hi bani rehti. Isliye Constitution State ko jahan zaroorat ho wahan extra madad dene deta hai, aur saath hi har community ko, chahe uski caste, gender, religion ya region kuch bhi ho, anyaay se bachata hai.

Article 46, jo Directive Principles mein se ek hai, State se kehta hai ki woh society ke kamzor vargon, khaas kar Scheduled Castes aur Scheduled Tribes, ki padhai aur aarthik bhalaai ko aage badhane ka khaas khayal rakhe. Yeh State se unhe social injustice aur har tarah ke exploitation se bachaane ko bhi kehta hai. Lok Sabha aur State Assemblies mein in communities ke liye reserved seats isi vaade se nikalti hain. Students ke liye scholarships aur local bodies mein women ke liye reservation bhi (Section 6.4.3).

6.2.8 Citizens, institutions aur media

Election commission logon se zabardasti vote nahi dila sakta, aur court us vyakti ki madad nahi kar sakta jo kabhi apne rights jaanta hi nahi. Institutions tabhi kaam karte hain jab citizens unka use karte hain: jab woh jaankaar rehte hain, hissa lete hain aur imaandaari se khelte hain. Aise citizens ke saath, neeche table ke institutions har democratic process ko chalate rehte hain.

Federalism power ko ek jagah jama hone se rokta hai. Yeh Union, State aur Concurrent Lists ke zariye Union aur States ke beech power baantta hai, aur bacha hua (residual) koi bhi subject Union ke paas jaata hai.

6.3 Democracy ke types

Har democracy same core values par tiki hai, jaise equality, freedom, participation, rule of law, aur duties ke saath rights. Phir bhi koi ek blueprint nahi hai. Har desh ne do sawaalon ke apne jawab dhoondhe hain: decisions lene mein kaun hissa leta hai, aur power kaise baanti jaati hai?

6.3.1 Direct aur representative democracy

Direct democracy mein citizens khud laws aur bade decisions par vote karte hain. Yeh chhote groups ke liye achha kaam karta hai, jaise gaon ki meeting. Bade desh ke liye yeh mushkil hai: socho 96 crore se zyada voters har bill par vote kar rahe hain.

Deshon mein Switzerland iske sabse kareeb hai. Wahan elected parliament hai, lekin citizens national sawaalon par bhi vote karte hain, aam taur par saal mein chaar baar tak. Agar 100,000 citizens 18 mahine ke andar ek proposal par sign karte hain, to poora desh constitution badalne par vote karta hai (ise popular initiative kehte hain). Agar 50,000 log 100 din ke andar sign karte hain, to parliament ke paas kiye law ko public vote ke liye rakhna padta hai (ise referendum kehte hain). India mein Gram Sabha, jahan gaon ka har adult voter bol aur decide kar sakta hai, direct democracy ka ek chhota example hai.

Representative democracy (ise indirect democracy bhi kehte hain) mein citizens representatives chunte hain jo unke liye decisions lete hain. Elections niyamit antaraal par hote hain, aur government logon ke prati accountable rehti hai kyunki use phir unka saamna karna padta hai. India ek representative democracy hai.

6.3.2 Parliamentary aur presidential democracy

Representative democracies ke do main roop hain. Parliamentary democracy mein voters legislature ke members chunte hain, aur executive usi se nikalti hai. Prime Minister aur baaki ministers legislature mein baithte hain aur tabhi tak pad par rehte hain jab tak uske zyadatar members unka support karte hain. Isliye executive legislature ke prati, aur uske zariye logon ke prati, jawabdeh hoti hai. India, Canada aur United Kingdom yeh system follow karte hain.

Presidential democracy mein voters head of government, yaani President, ko ek alag election mein chunte hain. President legislature mein nahi baithta aur pad par rehne ke liye use uske support ki zaroorat nahi hoti: term fixed hota hai, aur koi vote of no confidence nahi hota. Iske bajaye President agle election mein seedhe voters ko jawab deta hai. United States of America iska sabse jaana-maana example hai; wahan President chaar saal ke liye Electoral College ke zariye chuna jaata hai.

6.3.3 Duniya bhar ki democracies

Yahan dekho ki paanch jaani-maani democracies kaise organised hain. Do alag kaamon par dhyaan do. Head of state desh ka formal pramukh hota hai, jabki head of government asal mein desh chalata hai; yeh ek hi vyakti ho sakte hain ya do alag log.

6.4 Democracy in practice: India ki jeevit democracy

India mein democracy sirf kaagaz par rules ka set nahi hai; ise bahut bade paimaane par jiya jaata hai. India ki registered voters ki list China aur khud India ko chhodkar har desh ki poori population se lambi hai. Textbook aur Election Commission of India ke kuch numbers dekho:

• Voters: 2024 mein 96.8 crore se zyada log vote dene ke liye registered the.
• Representation: textbook ke andaaze se, 2019 mein ek Member of Parliament average mein lagbhag 25 lakh logon ka pratinidhitva karta tha.
• Languages: elections 22 scheduled languages aur kai doosri languages mein karaaye jaate hain. Voting machine par har candidate ke naam ke saath ek picture symbol hota hai, isliye jo voter padh nahi sakta woh bhi bina madad ke chun sakta hai.
• Polling stations: 10 lakh se zyada, barf se dhake Himalayan gaon se lekar jungle aur island ki chhoti bastiyon tak; kuch booths sirf ek voter ke liye hote hain.
• Parties: 2,800 se zyada registered parties (textbook ka figure), national parties se lekar sirf ek district mein active groups tak.

Democracy tab jeevit hoti hai jab log uska use karte rehte hain. Polling ke din Kerala ki ek machhuaarin, Ladakh ka ek charwaha aur Bengaluru ka ek software engineer alag-alag queues mein khade hote hain, alag-alag languages bolte hain aur alag-alag dharm maan sakte hain. Phir bhi har ek same rules ke tahat barabar value ka ek vote daalta hai. Har kuch saal mein dohraaya jaane wala yeh saajha kaam ek vishaal electorate ko ek kaam karti democracy mein badal deta hai. Agla chapter dhyaan se dekhta hai ki elections kaise kaam karte hain.

6.4.1 Ballot se aage bhagidaari

Har kuch saal mein ek baar vote dena democracy ka sirf ek hissa hai. Participatory democracy mein citizens policies ko aakaar dene aur public kaam chalane mein bhi madad karte hain. Woh community ke kaamon mein judte hain, jaise jheel saaf karna ya library chalana, local council meetings mein bolte hain, aur jab government kisi draft law ya plan par public ki raay maangti hai to comments bhejte hain.

India mein government teen levels par kaam karti hai, Union, States aur local bodies, jaisa tumne Classes 6 se 8 mein dekha. 73rd aur 74th Amendments (1992) ne gaon mein panchayats aur shehron mein municipalities ko constitutional status diya. Constitution tribal communities ke self-rule ki bhi do tareekon se raksha karta hai:

• Autonomous District Councils (ADCs): Sixth Schedule ke tahat Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram aur Tripura mein das ADCs kaam karti hain. Woh zameen, jungle aur social customs jaise maamlon par laws bana sakti hain, aur village courts chala sakti hain jo tribal custom ke hisaab se jhagde suljhaate hain.
• PESA Act, 1996: Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act das States ke Fifth Schedule areas tak panchayats ko le jaata hai. Yeh Gram Sabha ko main decision-making body banata hai, jaise local customs ki raksha aur community resources ke management par.

Isliye Meghalaya ka ek gaon, Jharkhand ki ek tribal basti aur Mumbai ka ek ward, sab ek hi Constitution ke tahat chalte hain, lekin har ek ki vyavastha uske logon ke hisaab se banayi gayi hai.

6.4.2 Grassroots par democracy

Gaon mein democracy kaisi dikhti hai? Neeche ke do cases kaalpanik hain, lekin har ek un kaamon se bana hai jo India bhar ki asli panchayats karti hain.

Dono cases mein kya common hai? Dono mein gaon walon ne apni baat sunwaane ke liye agle election ke paanch saal ka intezaar nahi kiya. Woh mile, behes ki, hisaab check kiya aur apni zarooraton ke liye zor diya, aur panchayat ko jawab dena pada. Yahi elections ke beech kaam karti democracy hai.

Democracy practise karne ke liye government office ki zaroorat nahi hai. Ek dairy cooperative22Cooperative: ek enterprise jiske maalik aur chalane wale uske members khud hote hain, jaise farmers ya weavers, jo uska kaam aur munaafa baantte hain. mein har member farmer ko use chalane wala board chunne mein ek vote milta hai. Ek trade union apne leaders chunti hai aur vote karti hai ki wage offer maana jaaye ya nahi, aur kai religious trusts, community associations aur civil society groups bhi isi tarah kaam karte hain. Har government aur aided school mein ek School Management Committee honi chahiye jiske kam se kam teen-chauthai members parents ya guardians hon. Jab tum class monitor ya sports captain chunte ho, to tum bhi wahi aadatein practise karte ho.

6.4.3 Women aur vote ka haq

Aaj yeh aam baat lagti hai ki women vote deti hain. Lekin British women ne iske liye campaign kiya, march kiye aur jail tak gayi; kuch ko 1918 mein vote mila, aur barabar voting rights 1928 mein hi mile. American women ne 1920 mein 19th Amendment ke zariye yeh haq jeeta, Seneca Falls (1848) mein hue pehle women's rights convention ke lagbhag sattar saal baad.

India ne alag raasta liya. Independence se pehle women's organisations ne vote ke liye petitions di thi, aur kuch provinces ne property ki shartein poori karne wali women ko seemit vote diya tha. Lekin jab 1950 mein Constitution laagu hua, to universal adult franchise ne har adult woman ko ek saath, bilkul men jaisi sharton par, vote ka haq de diya. Phir bhi kaagaz par haq milna aur decision ki table par jagah milna ek baat nahi hai. Kai women ko ab bhi ghar aur society mein aise dabaav jhelne padte hain jo unhe politics se door rakhte hain, aur Parliament aur State Assemblies mein men ke mukaable bahut kam women hain.

Asli equality ke liye women ka un kamron mein hona zaroori hai jahan decisions liye jaate hain. Constitution ka Article 243D har panchayat ki directly elected seats ka kam se kam ek-tihaai, aur chairperson ke pado ka ek-tihaai, women ke liye reserve karta hai. Kai States isse aage gaye hain. Ministry of Panchayati Raj ke anusaar (Parliament mein jawab, 2023 aur 2024), 21 States aur 2 Union Territories panchayat seats ka 50 per cent women ke liye reserve karte hain. Article 243T municipalities ke liye yahi ek-tihaai provision karta hai. Textbook batata hai ki 2023 tak 17 States aur 1 Union Territory ne urban local bodies mein women ka reservation badha kar 50 per cent kar diya tha.

Parliament aur State Assemblies ke liye Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023 kehta hai ki ek-tihaai seats women ke liye reserve hongi. Yeh Act ke baad hone wali pehli census aur uske baad constituencies ki nayi seemayein khinchne (delimitation) ke baad laagu hoga.

6.4.4 Information, courts aur civil society

Gaon aur newspapers mein uthi koi maang Parliament ka paas kiya law kaise banti hai? Right to Information Act ki kahani har step dikhati hai.

Tab se citizens ne RTI ka use gayab ration supplies, late pensions aur adhoori sadakon ka pata lagaane ke liye kiya hai. PILs file karne wale, campaigns chalane wale ya mohallon ko organise karne wale groups bhi kuch aisa hi karte hain: woh aam logon ko power mein baithe logon tak pahunchne ka raasta dete hain, taaki kam awaazein chhoot jaayein.

6.5 India mein democratic practices ke saamne challenges

Democracy ko dheere-dheere nuksaan pahunch sakta hai, bade events se bhi aur chhote roz ke kaamon se bhi. Socho, protest mein jalayi gayi ek bus, pachaas logon ko forward ki gayi ek afwaah, rishwat dekar todi gayi ek line, ya ek padosi jo kandhe uchka kar kehta hai, ‘Politics se mera koi lena-dena nahi.’ Har ek us bharose aur samman ko kamzor karta hai jis par democracy chalti hai. Constitution hamein rights deta hai; unka zimmedaari se use karna is sauda ka doosra hissa hai.

Kuch challenges kisi ek vyakti ke vyavhaar se kahin badi hain:

• Illiteracy aur awareness ki kami, jiski wajah se kuch citizens ke liye apne rights jaanna ya unhe batayi gayi baaton ko parakhna mushkil hota hai.
• Misinformation aur fake news, jo social media aur messaging apps se tezi se phailti hai, aur voters ko gumraah kar sakti hai, ghabrahat phaila sakti hai aur, sabse buri haalat mein, hinsa bhadka sakti hai.
• Gareebi aur inequality, jismein gender inequality bhi shaamil hai, jo kai logon ko barabar sharton par hissa lene se rokti hai.
• Regionalism aur social discrimination, jo groups ko ek doosre ke khilaaf khada kar sakte hain.
• Implementation mein kamiyan, jab achhe laws aur schemes logon tak theek se nahi pahunchte, jisse institutions par bharosa kam ho sakta hai.

6.5.1 Emergency, 1975–77

Indian democracy ki sabse kadi pariksha 1975–77 ki National Emergency33Constitution teen tarah ki emergency ka provision karta hai: National Emergency (Article 352), kisi State mein constitutional machinery fail hone par President's Rule (Article 356), aur Financial Emergency (Article 360). ke saath aayi. 1974 tak keemtein tezi se badh rahi thi, naukriyan kam thi, aur kai log Prime Minister Indira Gandhi ki government par misgovernance ka aarop laga rahe the. Gujarat aur Bihar ke student movements mein badi sankhya mein log jude. Jayaprakash Narayan, ek socialist leader jinhe log Lok Nayak (logon ka hero) kehte the, protests ki sabse pramukh awaaz bane.

June 1975 mein government ne ‘internal disturbance’ ke aadhaar par National Emergency declare ki. Lagbhag 21 mahine tak log personal liberty samet zaroori Fundamental Rights laagu karwane ke liye court nahi ja sakte the. Newspapers par censorship lagi, aur hazaaron opposition leaders aur activists ko hiraasat mein liya gaya. Democratic institutions ke kaam par bahut zyada dabaav pada, aur citizens ki azaadi bahut ghat gayi.

January 1977 mein government ne naye elections ka elaan kiya. March mein voters ne ballot se apna faisla sunaya: ruling party power se bahar ho gayi, aur Emergency hata li gayi. Do saal ke andar, jo azaadiyan rok di gayi thi woh democracy ke saamaanya kaam se, voters ke zariye, force se nahi, wapas aa gayi. Seekh yeh thi ki rights ko legal safeguards ke saath jaagrook citizens ki bhi zaroorat hoti hai. 1978 mein 44th Amendment ne aage emergency declare karna mushkil bana diya. ‘Internal disturbance’ ki jagah ‘armed rebellion’ aaya, aur Articles 20 aur 21 ki protections, jinmein right to life aur personal liberty shaamil hain, ab suspend nahi ki ja sakti.

6.6 Democracy aur tum

Citizen ki tarah kaam karne ke liye tumhe 18 saal ki umar tak intezaar nahi karna. Pehli duty simple hai: jaano ki kya ho raha hai. Newspaper padho, ek se zyada news source follow karo, aur online jo dikhe use dhyaan se lo. Sahi information se tum public sawaalon par kisi aur ki raay udhaar lene ke bajaye apni raay khud bana paate ho.

Kai schools aur colleges mein National Cadet Corps (NCC) aur National Service Scheme (NSS) units hoti hain, aur kai students Bharat Scouts and Guides se judte hain. Ped lagate hue, blood-donation camps chalate hue ya baadh ke baad madad karte hue, members team mein kaam karna, zimmedaari lena aur doosron ki seva karna seekhte hain: yahi hai civic responsibility in action. Roz ki zindagi mein civic responsibility simple ho sakti hai: bully kiye ja rahe classmate ke saath khade hona, post karne se pehle sochna, aur traffic rules follow karna. Iska matlab apni community ke alaawa doosri communities ke tyohaaron mein shaamil hona bhi hai.

To democracy koi poori ban chuki imaarat kam, aur aisa ghar zyada hai jiski har peedhi ko marammat karte rehna padta hai. India mein yeh assemblies aur behes se shuru hui, Constitution mein isne apna modern roop liya, aur aaj yeh elections, institutions aur citizens ki roz ki aadaton mein jeevit hai. Iska future tum jaise jaankaar aur zimmedaar logon par tika hai.